The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 19, 2011
Remarks by the President on the Middle East and North Africa
State Department, Washington, DC
12:15 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, have a seat. Thank you very much. I want to begin by thanking Hillary Clinton, who has traveled so much these last six months that she is approaching a new landmark -- one million frequent flyer miles. (Laughter.) I count on Hillary every single day, and I believe that she will go down as one of the finest Secretaries of State in our nation’s history.
The State Department is a fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy. For six months, we have witnessed an extraordinary change taking place in the Middle East and North Africa. Square by square, town by town, country by country, the people have risen up to demand their basic human rights. Two leaders have stepped aside. More may follow. And though these countries may be a great distance from our shores, we know that our own future is bound to this region by the forces of economics and security, by history and by faith.
Today, I want to talk about this change -- the forces that are driving it and how we can respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our security.
Now, already, we’ve done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts. After years of war in Iraq, we’ve removed 100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission there. In Afghanistan, we’ve broken the Taliban’s momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue a transition to Afghan lead. And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden.
Bin Laden was no martyr. He was a mass murderer who offered a message of hate –- an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change. He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favor of violent extremism; his agenda focused on what he could destroy -– not what he could build.
Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents. But even before his death, al Qaeda was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life. By the time we found bin Laden, al Qaeda’s agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Africa had taken their future into their own hands.
That story of self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On December 17th, a young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated his cart. This was not unique. It’s the same kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world -– the relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity. Only this time, something different happened. After local officials refused to hear his complaints, this young man, who had never been particularly active in politics, went to the headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire.
There are times in the course of history when the actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for freedom that has been building up for years. In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat courageously in her seat. So it was in Tunisia, as that vendor’s act of desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home –- day after day, week after week -- until a dictator of more than two decades finally left power.
The story of this revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise. The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did not. In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of a few. In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to turn -– no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free and fair election where he could choose his leader.
And this lack of self-determination –- the chance to make your life what you will –- has applied to the region’s economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity. But in a global economy based on knowledge, based on innovation, no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe.
In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their people’s grievances elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half-century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression. Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away from somebody else.
But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and strategies of diversion will not work anymore. Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into the wider world -– a world of astonishing progress in places like India and Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never before. And so a new generation has emerged. And their voices tell us that change cannot be denied.
In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, “It’s like I can finally breathe fresh air for the first time.”
In Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, “The night must come to an end.”
In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, “Our words are free now. It’s a feeling you can’t explain.”
In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, “After the first yelling, the first shout, you feel dignity.”
Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region. And through the moral force of nonviolence, the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades.
Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily. In our day and age -– a time of 24-hour news cycles and constant communication –- people expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks. But it will be years before this story reaches its end. Along the way, there will be good days and there will bad days. In some places, change will be swift; in others, gradual. And as we’ve already seen, calls for change may give way, in some cases, to fierce contests for power.
The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds. For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce and safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israel’s security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace.
We will continue to do these things, with the firm belief that America’s interests are not hostile to people’s hopes; they’re essential to them. We believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al Qaeda’s brutal attacks. We believe people everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut-off in energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and we will keep our commitments to friends and partners.
Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspirations of ordinary people will only feed the suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our interests at their expense. Given that this mistrust runs both ways –- as Americans have been seared by hostage-taking and violent rhetoric and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of our citizens -– a failure to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and the Arab world.
And that’s why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual respect. I believed then -– and I believe now -– that we have a stake not just in the stability of nations, but in the self-determination of individuals. The status quo is not sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that will eventually tear asunder.
So we face a historic opportunity. We have the chance to show that America values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity. Yes, there will be perils that accompany this moment of promise. But after decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be.
Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility. It’s not America that put people into the streets of Tunis or Cairo -– it was the people themselves who launched these movements, and it’s the people themselves that must ultimately determine their outcome.
Not every country will follow our particular form of representative democracy, and there will be times when our short-term interests don’t align perfectly with our long-term vision for the region. But we can, and we will, speak out for a set of core principles –- principles that have guided our response to the events over the past six months:
The United States opposes the use of violence and repression against the people of the region. (Applause.)
The United States supports a set of universal rights. And these rights include free speech, the freedom of peaceful assembly, the freedom of religion, equality for men and women under the rule of law, and the right to choose your own leaders -– whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa or Tehran.
And we support political and economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region.
Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want to make it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal.
Let me be specific. First, it will be the policy of the United States to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy. That effort begins in Egypt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high -– as Tunisia was at the vanguard of this democratic wave, and Egypt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab world’s largest nation. Both nations can set a strong example through free and fair elections, a vibrant civil society, accountable and effective democratic institutions, and responsible regional leadership. But our support must also extend to nations where transitions have yet to take place.
Unfortunately, in too many countries, calls for change have thus far been answered by violence. The most extreme example is Libya, where Muammar Qaddafi launched a war against his own people, promising to hunt them down like rats. As I said when the United States joined an international coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to try to impose regime change by force -– no matter how well-intentioned it may be.
But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, we had a mandate for action, and heard the Libyan people’s call for help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed. The message would have been clear: Keep power by killing as many people as it takes. Now, time is working against Qaddafi. He does not have control over his country. The opposition has organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council. And when Qaddafi inevitably leaves or is forced from power, decades of provocation will come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Libya can proceed.
While Libya has faced violence on the greatest scale, it’s not the only place where leaders have turned to repression to remain in power. Most recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the path of murder and the mass arrests of its citizens. The United States has condemned these actions, and working with the international community we have stepped up our sanctions on the Syrian regime –- including sanctions announced yesterday on President Assad and those around him.
The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy. President Assad now has a choice: He can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests. It must release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests. It must allow human rights monitors to have access to cities like Dara’a; and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will continue to be challenged from within and will continue to be isolated abroad.
So far, Syria has followed its Iranian ally, seeking assistance from Tehran in the tactics of suppression. And this speaks to the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stand for the rights of protesters abroad, yet represses its own people at home. Let’s remember that the first peaceful protests in the region were in the streets of Tehran, where the government brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail. We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran. The image of a young woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory. And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations.
Now, our opposition to Iran’s intolerance and Iran’s repressive measures, as well as its illicit nuclear program and its support of terror, is well known. But if America is to be credible, we must acknowledge that at times our friends in the region have not all reacted to the demands for consistent change -- with change that’s consistent with the principles that I’ve outlined today. That’s true in Yemen, where President Saleh needs to follow through on his commitment to transfer power. And that’s true today in Bahrain.
Bahrain is a longstanding partner, and we are committed to its security. We recognize that Iran has tried to take advantage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini government has a legitimate interest in the rule of law.
Nevertheless, we have insisted both publicly and privately that mass arrests and brute force are at odds with the universal rights of Bahrain’s citizens, and we will -- and such steps will not make legitimate calls for reform go away. The only way forward is for the government and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and you can’t have a real dialogue when parts of the peaceful opposition are in jail. (Applause.) The government must create the conditions for dialogue, and the opposition must participate to forge a just future for all Bahrainis.
Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn from this period is that sectarian divides need not lead to conflict. In Iraq, we see the promise of a multiethnic, multisectarian democracy. The Iraqi people have rejected the perils of political violence in favor of a democratic process, even as they’ve taken full responsibility for their own security. Of course, like all new democracies, they will face setbacks. But Iraq is poised to play a key role in the region if it continues its peaceful progress. And as they do, we will be proud to stand with them as a steadfast partner.
So in the months ahead, America must use all our influence to encourage reform in the region. Even as we acknowledge that each country is different, we need to speak honestly about the principles that we believe in, with friend and foe alike. Our message is simple: If you take the risks that reform entails, you will have the full support of the United States.
We must also build on our efforts to broaden our engagement beyond elites, so that we reach the people who will shape the future -– particularly young people. We will continue to make good on the commitments that I made in Cairo -– to build networks of entrepreneurs and expand exchanges in education, to foster cooperation in science and technology, and combat disease. Across the region, we intend to provide assistance to civil society, including those that may not be officially sanctioned, and who speak uncomfortable truths. And we will use the technology to connect with -– and listen to –- the voices of the people.
For the fact is, real reform does not come at the ballot box alone. Through our efforts we must support those basic rights to speak your mind and access information. We will support open access to the Internet, and the right of journalists to be heard -– whether it’s a big news organization or a lone blogger. In the 21st century, information is power, the truth cannot be hidden, and the legitimacy of governments will ultimately depend on active and informed citizens.
Such open discourse is important even if what is said does not square with our worldview. Let me be clear, America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard, even if we disagree with them. And sometimes we profoundly disagree with them.
We look forward to working with all who embrace genuine and inclusive democracy. What we will oppose is an attempt by any group to restrict the rights of others, and to hold power through coercion and not consent. Because democracy depends not only on elections, but also strong and accountable institutions, and the respect for the rights of minorities.
Such tolerance is particularly important when it comes to religion. In Tahrir Square, we heard Egyptians from all walks of life chant, “Muslims, Christians, we are one.” America will work to see that this spirit prevails -– that all faiths are respected, and that bridges are built among them. In a region that was the birthplace of three world religions, intolerance can lead only to suffering and stagnation. And for this season of change to succeed, Coptic Christians must have the right to worship freely in Cairo, just as Shia must never have their mosques destroyed in Bahrain.
What is true for religious minorities is also true when it comes to the rights of women. History shows that countries are more prosperous and more peaceful when women are empowered. And that’s why we will continue to insist that universal rights apply to women as well as men -– by focusing assistance on child and maternal health; by helping women to teach, or start a business; by standing up for the right of women to have their voices heard, and to run for office. The region will never reach its full potential when more than half of its population is prevented from achieving their full potential. (Applause.)
Now, even as we promote political reform, even as we promote human rights in the region, our efforts can’t stop there. So the second way that we must support positive change in the region is through our efforts to advance economic development for nations that are transitioning to democracy.
After all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets. The tipping point for so many people is the more constant concern of putting food on the table and providing for a family. Too many people in the region wake up with few expectations other than making it through the day, perhaps hoping that their luck will change. Throughout the region, many young people have a solid education, but closed economies leave them unable to find a job. Entrepreneurs are brimming with ideas, but corruption leaves them unable to profit from those ideas.
The greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Africa is the talent of its people. In the recent protests, we see that talent on display, as people harness technology to move the world. It’s no coincidence that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executive for Google. That energy now needs to be channeled, in country after country, so that economic growth can solidify the accomplishments of the street. For just as democratic revolutions can be triggered by a lack of individual opportunity, successful democratic transitions depend upon an expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity.
So, drawing from what we’ve learned around the world, we think it’s important to focus on trade, not just aid; on investment, not just assistance. The goal must be a model in which protectionism gives way to openness, the reigns of commerce pass from the few to the many, and the economy generates jobs for the young. America’s support for democracy will therefore be based on ensuring financial stability, promoting reform, and integrating competitive markets with each other and the global economy. And we’re going to start with Tunisia and Egypt.
First, we’ve asked the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to present a plan at next week’s G8 summit for what needs to be done to stabilize and modernize the economies of Tunisia and Egypt. Together, we must help them recover from the disruptions of their democratic upheaval, and support the governments that will be elected later this year. And we are urging other countries to help Egypt and Tunisia meet its near-term financial needs.
Second, we do not want a democratic Egypt to be saddled by the debts of its past. So we will relieve a democratic Egypt of up to $1 billion in debt, and work with our Egyptian partners to invest these resources to foster growth and entrepreneurship. We will help Egypt regain access to markets by guaranteeing $1 billion in borrowing that is needed to finance infrastructure and job creation. And we will help newly democratic governments recover assets that were stolen.
Third, we’re working with Congress to create Enterprise Funds to invest in Tunisia and Egypt. And these will be modeled on funds that supported the transitions in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall. OPIC will soon launch a $2 billion facility to support private investment across the region. And we will work with the allies to refocus the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development so that it provides the same support for democratic transitions and economic modernization in the Middle East and North Africa as it has in Europe.
Fourth, the United States will launch a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa. If you take out oil exports, this entire region of over 400 million people exports roughly the same amount as Switzerland. So we will work with the EU to facilitate more trade within the region, build on existing agreements to promote integration with U.S. and European markets, and open the door for those countries who adopt high standards of reform and trade liberalization to construct a regional trade arrangement. And just as EU membership served as an incentive for reform in Europe, so should the vision of a modern and prosperous economy create a powerful force for reform in the Middle East and North Africa.
Prosperity also requires tearing down walls that stand in the way of progress -– the corruption of elites who steal from their people; the red tape that stops an idea from becoming a business; the patronage that distributes wealth based on tribe or sect. We will help governments meet international obligations, and invest efforts at anti-corruption -- by working with parliamentarians who are developing reforms, and activists who use technology to increase transparency and hold government accountable. Politics and human rights; economic reform.
Let me conclude by talking about another cornerstone of our approach to the region, and that relates to the pursuit of peace.
For decades, the conflict between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow over the region. For Israelis, it has meant living with the fear that their children could be blown up on a bus or by rockets fired at their homes, as well as the pain of knowing that other children in the region are taught to hate them. For Palestinians, it has meant suffering the humiliation of occupation, and never living in a nation of their own. Moreover, this conflict has come with a larger cost to the Middle East, as it impedes partnerships that could bring greater security and prosperity and empowerment to ordinary people.
For over two years, my administration has worked with the parties and the international community to end this conflict, building on decades of work by previous administrations. Yet expectations have gone unmet. Israeli settlement activity continues. Palestinians have walked away from talks. The world looks at a conflict that has grinded on and on and on, and sees nothing but stalemate. Indeed, there are those who argue that with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to move forward now.
I disagree. At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever. That’s certainly true for the two parties involved.
For the Palestinians, efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure. Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won’t create an independent state. Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection. And Palestinians will never realize their independence by denying the right of Israel to exist.
As for Israel, our friendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared values. Our commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable. And we will stand against attempts to single it out for criticism in international forums. But precisely because of our friendship, it’s important that we tell the truth: The status quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to advance a lasting peace.
The fact is, a growing number of Palestinians live west of the Jordan River. Technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself. A region undergoing profound change will lead to populism in which millions of people -– not just one or two leaders -- must believe peace is possible. The international community is tired of an endless process that never produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot be fulfilled with permanent occupation.
Now, ultimately, it is up to the Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them -- not by the United States; not by anybody else. But endless delay won’t make the problem go away. What America and the international community can do is to state frankly what everyone knows -- a lasting peace will involve two states for two peoples: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people, and the state of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people, each state enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace.
So while the core issues of the conflict must be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a viable Palestine, a secure Israel. The United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine. We believe the borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their full potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state.
As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself -– by itself -– against any threat. Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism, to stop the infiltration of weapons, and to provide effective border security. The full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign, non-militarized state. And the duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated.
These principles provide a foundation for negotiations. Palestinians should know the territorial outlines of their state; Israelis should know that their basic security concerns will be met. I’m aware that these steps alone will not resolve the conflict, because two wrenching and emotional issues will remain: the future of Jerusalem, and the fate of Palestinian refugees. But moving forward now on the basis of territory and security provides a foundation to resolve those two issues in a way that is just and fair, and that respects the rights and aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians.
Now, let me say this: Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the issues of territory and security does not mean that it will be easy to come back to the table. In particular, the recent announcement of an agreement between Fatah and Hamas raises profound and legitimate questions for Israel: How can one negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize your right to exist? And in the weeks and months to come, Palestinian leaders will have to provide a credible answer to that question. Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will need to continue every effort to get beyond the current impasse.
I recognize how hard this will be. Suspicion and hostility has been passed on for generations, and at times it has hardened. But I’m convinced that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians would rather look to the future than be trapped in the past. We see that spirit in the Israeli father whose son was killed by Hamas, who helped start an organization that brought together Israelis and Palestinians who had lost loved ones. That father said, “I gradually realized that the only hope for progress was to recognize the face of the conflict.” We see it in the actions of a Palestinian who lost three daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza. “I have the right to feel angry,” he said. “So many people were expecting me to hate. My answer to them is I shall not hate. Let us hope,” he said, “for tomorrow.”
That is the choice that must be made -– not simply in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but across the entire region -– a choice between hate and hope; between the shackles of the past and the promise of the future. It’s a choice that must be made by leaders and by the people, and it’s a choice that will define the future of a region that served as the cradle of civilization and a crucible of strife.
For all the challenges that lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopeful. In Egypt, we see it in the efforts of young people who led protests. In Syria, we see it in the courage of those who brave bullets while chanting, “peaceful, peaceful.” In Benghazi, a city threatened with destruction, we see it in the courthouse square where people gather to celebrate the freedoms that they had never known. Across the region, those rights that we take for granted are being claimed with joy by those who are prying loose the grip of an iron fist.
For the American people, the scenes of upheaval in the region may be unsettling, but the forces driving it are not unfamiliar. Our own nation was founded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people fought a painful Civil War that extended freedom and dignity to those who were enslaved. And I would not be standing here today unless past generations turned to the moral force of nonviolence as a way to perfect our union –- organizing, marching, protesting peacefully together to make real those words that declared our nation: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”
Those words must guide our response to the change that is transforming the Middle East and North Africa -– words which tell us that repression will fail, and that tyrants will fall, and that every man and woman is endowed with certain inalienable rights.
It will not be easy. There’s no straight line to progress, and hardship always accompanies a season of hope. But the United States of America was founded on the belief that people should govern themselves. And now we cannot hesitate to stand squarely on the side of those who are reaching for their rights, knowing that their success will bring about a world that is more peaceful, more stable, and more just.
Thank you very much, everybody. (Applause.) Thank you.
END 1:00 P.M. EDT
Discorso del
Presidente Obama sul
Medio Oriente ed il Nord Africa 19 maggio 2011
(Traduzione
non ufficiale a cura del Servizio Studi)
Voglio cominciare ringraziando Hillary Clinton, che ha viaggiato così tanto in questi ultimi sei mesi chesi sta avvicinando ad un nuovo risultato - un abituale volatore di un milione dimiglia. IocontosuHillaryogni giorno,ecredocheleiverrà ricordata comeuna deimiglioriSegretari diStatonella storia della nostranazione.
Il Dipartimento di Stato è il luogo adatto per segnare un nuovo capitolo della diplomazia americana. Per sei mesi, abbiamo assistito a uno straordinario cambiamento in atto nel Medio Oriente e Nord Africa.
Piazza per piazza, città per città, paese per paese, le persone si sono ribellate per rivendicare i propri diritti umani fondamentali. Due leader sono stati messi in disparte. Altri potrebbero seguire. E anche se questi paesi possono essere ad una grande distanza dalle nostre coste, sappiamo che il nostro futuro è legato a questa regione dai vincoli dell'economia e della sicurezza, dalla storia e dalla fede.
Oggi voglio parlare di questo cambiamento - delle forze che lo guidano e di come si possa reagire in un modo che porti avanti i nostri valori e rafforzi la nostra sicurezza.
Ora, già, abbiamo fatto molto per cambiare la nostra politica estera dopo un decennio definito da due conflitti costosi. Dopo anni di guerra in Iraq, abbiamo rimosso 100.000 soldati americani e si è conclusa la nostra missione di combattimento lì. InAfghanistan, abbiamointerrottolo slanciodei talebani, equesto mese di luglioinizieremoaportarele nostretruppe a casaecontinueremoa guidareuna transizione verso una guida afgana. E dopo anni di guerra contro al Qaeda e i suoi affiliati, abbiamo inflitto ad al Qaeda un durissimo colpo, uccidendo il suo leader, Osama Bin Laden.
Bin Laden non era un martire. Era un assassino di massa che ha offerto un messaggio di odio - insistendo che i Musulmani dovevano prendere le armi contro l'Occidente, e che la violenza contro gli uomini, donne e bambini era l'unica strada per cambiare. Egli ha respinto la democrazia e i diritti individuali per i musulmani in favore di un estremismo violento, il suo ordine del giorno era incentrato su quello che avrebbe potuto distruggere - non quello che avrebbe potuto costruire.
BinLadene lasuavisioneomicida avevano guadagnato alcuniaderenti. Maancheprimadella sua morte, alQaedastava perdendo lasualottaper l’egemonia, in quanto la stragrande maggioranzadi persone avevano vistoche ilmassacrodiinnocentinonrispondeva alle lororichiestedi una vitamigliore. Nel momento in cui abbiamo trovato Bin Laden, l'agenda di al Qaeda era considerata dalla stragrande maggioranza della regione come un vicolo cieco, e la gente del Medio Oriente e Nord Africa aveva preso il proprio futuro nelle proprie mani.
Questa storia di auto-determinazione ha inizio sei mesi fa in Tunisia. Il 17 dicembre, un giovane venditore di nome Mohammed Bouazizi è stato emotivamente distrutto quando un ufficiale di polizia ha sequestrato il suo carretto. Questo fatto non è stato l’unico. E’ lo stesso tipo di umiliazione che ha luogo ogni giorno in molte parti del mondo - la tirannia implacabile di governi che negano la dignità ai propri cittadini. Solo che questa volta è accaduto qualcosa di diverso. Dopo che i funzionari locali si sono rifiutati di ascoltare le sue lamentele, questo giovane, che non era mai stato particolarmente attivo in politica, è andato alla sede del governo provinciale, si è cosparso di benzina e si è dato fuoco.
Ci sonomomentinel corsodellastoriain cuile azionidi comuni cittadinidanno la scintilla a movimenti peril cambiamentoperchéparlanoaun desideriodi libertàche si sta costruendoda anni. InAmerica, pensate allasfidadiqueipatriotidi Bostonche sirifiutavano dipagare le tasseaun re, o alla dignità diRosaParks, seduta coraggiosamenteal suo posto. Cosìè statoin Tunisia, quando l’attodidisperazione di un venditoreha smosso lafrustrazione di tutto ilpaese. Centinaia dimanifestantisono scesi in piazza, poimigliaia. Ea frontedimanganellie a volte proiettili, si rifiutarono diandarea casa-giornodopogiorno,settimana doposettimana-fino a quando un dittatorein carica dapiùdi duedecenni, ha finalmentelasciatoil potere.
La storiadiquestarivoluzione, e di quelleche seguirono, nonavrebbe dovutoessere una sorpresa. Le nazionidelMedio Oriente eNordAfricahanno raggiunto la propria indipendenza molto tempo fa,maintroppi luoghila lorogentenon lo ha fatto.Introppi paesi, il potereèstatoconcentrato nelle manidipochi.In troppi paesi, un cittadino, come quel giovane venditore, non aveva nessuno a cui rivolgersi - nessun onesto potere giudiziario che ascoltasse il suo caso, nessun media indipendente che gli desse voce, nessun partito politico credibile per rappresentare le sue opinioni, nessuna elezione libera ed equa, dove poteva scegliere il suo leader.
E questa mancanza di auto-determinazione - la possibilità di rendere la vostra vita quello che si vuole - ha riguardato anche l'economia della regione. Sì, alcune nazioni sono graziate dalla ricchezza del petrolio e del gas, che ha portato a sacche di prosperità.Ma in un'economia globale basata sulla conoscenza, basata sull'innovazione, nessuna strategia di sviluppo può basarsi soltanto su ciò che nasce dalla terra. Né le persone possono raggiungere il loro potenziale quando non è possibile avviare un affare senza pagare una tangente.
Di fronte a queste sfide, molti leader della regione hanno cercato di dirigere le rimostranze della loro gente altrove. L'Occidente è stato marchiato come la fonte di tutti i mali, mezzo secolo dopo la fine del colonialismo. L’antagonismo nei confronti di Israele è diventato l'unico sbocco accettabile di espressione politica. Le divisioni tribali, etniche e di setta religiosa sono state manipolate come un mezzo per mantenere il potere, o per tenerlo lontano da qualsiasi altro.
Magli eventidegliultimisei mesicidimostranochele strategiedi repressionee le strategiedidiversionenonfunzionano più. La televisionesatellitareeInternetfornisconouna finestra sulresto del mondo-un mondo diprogressosorprendentein posticomel'Indiael'Indonesiae il Brasile.I telefoni cellulari e le reti sociali consentono ai giovani di collegarsi e organizzarsi come mai prima. E così una nuova generazione è emersa. E le loro voci ci dicono che il cambiamento non può essere negato.
Al Cairo, abbiamosentitola vocedellagiovane madreche ha detto:"E’ come se potessifinalmenterespirarearia frescaperla prima volta."
ASanaa, abbiamosentitogli studentichecantavano"La nottedevefinire".
A Bengasi, abbiamo sentito un ingegnere che ha detto: "Le nostre parole sono ora libere. È una sensazione che non puoi spiegare. "
A Damasco, abbiamo sentito il giovane che ha detto: "Dopo le prime urla, il primo messaggio, si sente dignità".
Quelle grida di dignità umana sono state ascoltate in tutta la regione. E attraverso la forza morale della nonviolenza, la gente della regione ha raggiunto un cambiamento maggiore in sei mesi di quello che i terroristi hanno compiuto in decenni.
Naturalmente, un cambiamentodi questaportatanon è facile. Nellanostraepoca-un periododinotizie24ore su 24e di comunicazionecostante-la gente si aspetta che la trasformazione dellaregione si risolva nel girodi poche settimane.Ma ci vorranno anni prima che questa storia raggiunga la sua conclusione. Lungo la strada, ci saranno giorni buoni e giorni cattivi. In alcuni luoghi il cambiamento sarà rapido, in altri graduale. E, come abbiamo già visto, richieste di modifica possono cedere, in alcuni casi, a feroci contese per il potere.
Laquestioneche abbiamo davanti èquella di cheruologiocheràl'Americamentre lastoriasi dispiega.Per decenni, gli StatiUniti hannoperseguitouna seriediinteressiprincipalinella regione: lotta al terrorismo elo stop alladiffusione delle armi nucleari, garantire illibero flussodelcommercioe la salvaguardiadella sicurezzadellaregione,la sicurezza di Israelee il perseguimento della pace arabo-israeliana.
Noi continueremoafare questecose,conlaconvinzionechegliinteressi dell'Americanonsonoostilialle speranzedella gente, sonoessenzialiperloro. Noicrediamochenessunobenefici di unacorsa agli armamenti nuclearinella regioneo degli attacchibrutalidi alQaeda.Crediamo che le persone in tutto il mondo avrebbero visto le loro economie paralizzate da un taglio delle forniture di energia. Come abbiamo fatto nella guerra del Golfo, non tollereremo l'aggressione al di là delle frontiere, e manterremo i nostri impegni per amici e partner.
Eppuredobbiamo riconoscere cheuna strategiabasataesclusivamentesullaricercaristrettadiquestiinteressinonriempieuno stomacovuotoopermette a qualcuno diesprimere le proprie idee.Inoltre, il fallimento di parlare alle aspirazioni più ampie di persone normali alimenterà solo il sospetto che ha imputridito per anni gli Stati Uniti di perseguire i nostri interessi a loro spese. Datochequestasfiduciacorrein entrambi i sensi-poichégli americanisonostati segnatidallapresa di ostaggie dallaretoricaviolentae dagli attentatiterroristiciche hannouccisomigliaiadinostricittadini–un fallimento nelcambiare il nostro approcciorischia di approfondire le spiralididivisionetraStati Uniti eil mondoarabo.
Ed è per questo che, due anni fa al Cairo, ho iniziato ad ampliare il nostro impegno basato su reciproci interessi e rispetto reciproco. Ho creduto allora - e credo adesso - che non abbiamo solo una scommessa nella stabilità delle nazioni, ma nell’autodeterminazione degli individui. Lo status quo non è sostenibile. Le società tenute insieme dalla paura e dalla repressione possono offrire l'illusione di stabilità per un certo tempo, ma sono costruite su linee di faglia che alla fine vanno a pezzi.
Quindici troviamo di fronte ad un'occasionestorica. Abbiamolapossibilità didimostrarechel'Americavaluta ladignitàdel venditoredi strada in Tunisia piùchelapotenza puradeldittatore.Non ci devono essere dubbi sul fatto che gli Stati Uniti d'America sono favorevoli al cambiamento che porta autodeterminazione e opportunità. Sì, ci saranno pericoli che accompagnano questo momento di promessa. Ma dopo decenni in cui si è accettato il mondo così com'è nella regione, abbiamo una possibilità di perseguire il mondo come dovrebbe essere.
Naturalmente, come facciamo noi, dobbiamo procedere conun senso di umiltà. Nonèl'Americachemettele personenellestradediTunisioIl Cairo-èstatoilpopolo stessoche halanciatoquestimovimenti, ed èil popolo stessochedevein ultima analisi,determinare il loroesito.
Non tutti ipaesiseguiranno la nostraparticolare forma didemocraziarappresentativa, ecisarannomomenti in cuii nostriinteressi a breveterminenon siallineerannoperfettamente con la nostravisione a lungotermineper laregione.Ma possiamo, e lo faremo, parlare di una serie di principi fondamentali - principi che hanno guidato la nostra risposta agli eventi degli ultimi sei mesi:
Gli StatiUnitisi oppongono all'usodellaviolenza e dellarepressionecontro ilpopolodella regione. (Applausi)
GliStatiUniti sostengonouna serie didirittiuniversali. Equestidirittiincludonola libertà di parola, la libertàdi riunionepacifica, la libertà direligione, la paritàtra uomini edonne secondo lo stato di diritto, eil diritto di sceglierei propri leader–sia che sivivaa BaghdadeDamasco, SanaaoTehran.
Enoisosteniamo una riforma politicaedeconomicanel MedioOrienteeAfrica del Nordin grado di soddisfarele legittime aspirazionidella gentecomunein tutta laregione.
Il nostrosostegnoaquesti principinonèun interessesecondario. Oggivogliomettere in chiaroche si tratta diuna priorità assolutachedeve essere tradotto inazioni concrete, e sostenutadatutti glistrumentidiplomatici, economiciestrategicia nostradisposizione.
Permettetemi di essere più specifico. In primo luogo, lapoliticadegliStatiUniti sarà di promuovere lariformain tutta laregione e di sostenere il passaggioalla democrazia. Questosforzoha inizioinEgitto e inTunisia, dovelaposta in giocoè alta–in quantola Tunisiaè statal'avanguardiadi questaondatademocratica, e l'Egittoèsia unpartner dilunga datasia lapiù grandenazionedel mondoarabo.Entrambe le nazioni possono dare un esempio forte attraverso elezioni libere ed eque, una vivace società civile, istituzioni democratiche responsabili ed efficaci, e una leadership regionale responsabile. Ma il nostro sostegno deve estendersi anche alle nazioni in cui le transizioni non hanno ancora avuto luogo.
Purtroppo,introppipaesi, le richieste di cambiamentohanno ricevuto finora una rispostaconla violenza. L'esempiopiùestremoèla Libia, doveMuammar Gheddafiha lanciato unaguerracontro il suopopolo, promettendo didar loro la cacciacometopi.Come ho detto quando gli Stati Uniti si sono uniti alla coalizione internazionale per intervenire, non possiamo impedire ogni sopruso perpetrato da un regime contro la sua gente, e abbiamo imparato dalla nostra esperienza in Iraq quanto sia costoso e difficile cercare di imporre un cambiamento di regime con la forza - non importa quanto buone intenzioni ci possano essere.
MainLibia, abbiamo vistola prospettivadi un massacroimminente, abbiamoavuto unmandatoper l'azione, e abbiamo sentitochiedere aiuto ilpopololibico. Se non avessimoagitoinsiemeai nostrialleati della NATO e ai partner dicoalizioneregionale, migliaia di persone sarebbero statiuccisi. Ilmessaggiosarebbestatochiaro: mantenere il potereuccidendo ilmaggior numero di personenecessarie.Ora, il tempo lavora contro Gheddafi. Egli non ha il controllo sul suo paese. L'opposizione ha organizzato un legittimo e credibile Consiglio ad interim. E quando Gheddafi lascerà, inevitabilmente, o sarà costretto con la forza, decenni di provocazione giungeranno al termine, e la transizione verso una Libia democratica potrà procedere.
Mentrela Libiahaaffrontatola violenzasupiù grande scala, non èl'unico luogodovei leadersi sono rivoltialla repressione per rimanereal potere. Più recentemente,ilregimesirianoha sceltola stradadell’omicidioe degli arrestidi massadei suoicittadini.Gli StatiUniti hannocondannatoquesteazioni, e lavorandocon la comunità internazionale, abbiamo intensificatole nostresanzioni controil regimesiriano-comprese le sanzioniannunciateieri sul presidenteAssadequelli intorno alui.
Il popolo siriano ha mostrato il suo coraggio nel chiedere una transizione verso la democrazia. Il presidente Assad ha ora una scelta: può guidare tale transizione, o uscire di scena. Il governo siriano deve smettere di sparare sui manifestanti e consentire proteste pacifiche. Esso deve rilasciare i prigionieri politici e fermare gli arresti ingiusti. Deve permettere agli osservatori dei diritti dell'uomo di avere accesso a città come Dara'a, e avviare un serio dialogo per promuovere una transizione democratica. In caso contrario, il presidente Assad e il suo regime continueranno ad essere messi in discussione dal di dentro e continueranno ad essere isolati all'estero.
Finora, la Siria ha seguito il suo alleato iraniano, in cerca di assistenza da Teheran nelle tattiche di soppressione. E questo spiega l'ipocrisia del regime iraniano, che dice di supportare i diritti dei manifestanti all'estero, ma reprime il suo popolo a casa. Ricordiamo che le prime proteste pacifiche nella regione furono per le strade di Teheran, dove il governo massacrò donne e uomini, e gettò in prigione persone innocenti. Si sente ancora l'eco dei canti dai tetti di Teheran. L'immagine di una giovane donna morente nelle strade è ancora impressa nella nostra memoria. E noi continueremo a insistere sul fatto che il popolo iraniano merita i propri diritti universali, e un governo che non soffochi le sue aspirazioni.
Ora, la nostra opposizione all’intolleranza dell'Iran e alle misure repressive dell’Iran, così come al suo programma nucleare illecito e al suo sostegno al terrore, è ben nota. Ma se l'America vuole essere credibile, dobbiamo riconoscere che a volte i nostri amici nella regione non hanno reagito alle richieste di cambiamento in modo coerente - al cambiamento che è coerente con i principi che ho illustrato oggi. Questo è vero in Yemen, dove il presidente Saleh ha bisogno di continuare con il suo impegno di trasferire il potere. E questo è vero oggi in Bahrain.
Il Bahrain è un partner di lunga data, e siamo impegnati per la sua sicurezza. Ci rendiamo conto che l'Iran ha cercato di approfittare delle turbolenze lì, e che il governo del Bahrain ha un legittimo interesse nello Stato di diritto.
Tuttavia,abbiamoinsistitosia pubblicamente che privatamentechegli arrestidi massaela forzabrutasono incontrasto coni diritti universalideicittadinidel Bahrain, elo faremo -etali misure di repressione nonrendono legittime le richieste per far venir meno la riforma. L'unica soluzione verso il progresso per ilgovernoe l'opposizione è di impegnarsi inun dialogo, enon si può avereun vero dialogoquandopartidell'opposizione pacificasonoincarcere.Ilgovernodevecreare lecondizioniper il dialogo, e l'opposizionedeveparteciparea forgiare un futuro equo pertutti i cittadini del Bahrein.
Infatti, una dellelezionipiù ampie da trarre daquestoperiodoèche le divisioni settarie necessitano non generano conflitti. InIraq, vediamola promessadiuna società multietnica, di democraziamultisettaria. Il popoloiracheno harespintoi pericolidi violenzapoliticain favorediun processo democratico,al punto chehannopresola piena responsabilità perla propria sicurezza.Naturalmente, come tutte le nuove democrazie, dovranno affrontarebattute d'arresto.Ma l'Iraq è pronto a svolgere un ruolo chiave nella regione se continuerà il suo progresso pacifico. E come loro, saremo orgogliosi di stare con loro come un alleato sicuro.
Così nei mesi a venire, l'America deve usare tutta la sua influenza per incoraggiare riforme nella regione. Anche se riconosciamo che ogni paese è diverso, abbiamo bisogno di parlare onestamente dei principi in cui crediamo, con amici e nemici. Il nostro messaggio è semplice: se si prende il rischio che la riforma comporta, si avrà il pieno sostegno degli Stati Uniti.
Dobbiamoanchecontaresui nostri sforziperampliareil nostro impegnoal di là delleélite, in modo daraggiungere lepersoneche daranno forma alfuturo-in particolare igiovani. Noi continueremoarendere migliorigli impegniche hoassuntoal Cairo-di costruireretidiimprenditorie diincrementare gli scambiin materia di istruzione, promuovere la cooperazionenel campo della scienzae della tecnologia,e combattere le malattie. In tutta la regione, intendiamo fornire assistenza alla società civile, compresi quelli che non possono essere ufficialmente autorizzati, e che trattano di verità scomode. E useremo la tecnologia per connetterci con - e ascoltare - le voci della gente.
Ma il punto è che una vera riformanonvienealle urneda sola. Attraverso i nostri sforzi, dobbiamo sostenerequeidirittifondamentalidi esprimere la propria opinioneedi accedere alle informazioni.Sosterremo il libero accesso a Internet, e il diritto dei giornalisti di essere ascoltati - che si tratti di un grande organismo di informazione o di un blogger solitario. Nel 21 ° secolo, l'informazione è potere, la verità non può essere nascosta, e la legittimità dei governi dipenderà in ultima analisi da cittadini attivi e informati.
Talediscorsoapertoèimportanteancheseciò cheviene dettonon quadraconla nostravisione del mondo.Lasciatemi essere chiaro, l'Americarispetta ildiritto ditutte le vocipacificheerispettose della legalità aessere ascoltate, anchese noi siamo in disaccordo con esse. Ea voltesiamo profondamentein disaccordocon esse.
Auspichiamo di lavorare con tutti coloro che sostengono una democrazia inclusiva. Ci opporremo a ogni tentativo da parte di qualsiasi gruppo di limitare i diritti degli altri, e di tenere il consenso attraverso la coercizione e non il consenso. Perché la democrazia non dipende solo dalle elezioni, ma anche da istituzioni forti e responsabili, e dal rispetto per i diritti delle minoranze.
Tale tolleranza è particolarmente importante quando si tratta di religione. A Tahrir Square, abbiamo sentito gli egiziani di tutte le estrazioni cantare, “musulmani, cristiani, siamo una cosa sola”. L’America lavorerà per vedere questo spirito prevalere - che tutte le fedi siano rispettate e che siano costruiti dei ponti tra loro. In una regione che fu la culla di tre religioni del mondo, l'intolleranza può condurre solo alla sofferenza e alla stagnazione. E per questa stagione di cambiamento, i cristiani copti devono avere il diritto di professare liberamente il proprio culto al Cairo, così come gli sciiti non devono mai avere le loro moschee distrutte in Bahrain.
Se questo è vero per le minoranze religiose, è vero anche quando si tratta dei diritti delle donne. La storia dimostra che i paesi sono più prosperi e più pacifici quando le donne sono valorizzate. Ed è per questo che continueremo a insistere sul fatto che i diritti universali si applicano sia alle donne sia agli uomini - concentrando l'assistenza sulla salute del bambino e della madre, aiutando le donne a insegnare, o avviare un business, sostenendo il diritto delle donne di avere la loro voce, e di candidarsi alle elezioni. La regione non potrà mai raggiungere il suo pieno potenziale quando a più di metà della sua popolazione viene impedito di raggiungere il loro pieno potenziale.
Ora, anche se promuoviamo riforme politiche, anche se promuoviamo i diritti umani nella regione, i nostri sforzi non si possono fermare lì. Quindi il secondo metodo che dobbiamo sostenere per un cambiamento positivo nella regione attraverso i nostri sforzi è far progredire lo sviluppo economico per le nazioni che stanno passando alla democrazia.
Dopo tutto, la sola politica non ha messo i manifestanti in strada. La questione centrale per così tante persone è stata la preoccupazione costante di portare il cibo in tavola e di provvedere per la famiglia. Troppa gente nella regione si risveglia con poche altre aspettative per la giornata rispetto alla soddisfazione di queste esigenze basilari, forse sperando che la sorte possa cambiare. In tutta la regione, molti giovani hanno una formazione solida, ma le economie chiuse non permettono loro di trovare un lavoro. Gli imprenditori sono ricchi di idee, ma la corruzione li lascia incapaci di trarre profitto da queste idee.
La più grande risorsa non sfruttata nel Medio Oriente e nell’Africa del Nord è il talento della sua gente. Dalle recenti proteste emerge che il talento mostra come le persone possono sfruttare la tecnologia per muovere il mondo. Non è un caso che uno dei leader della Tahrir Square sia stato un dirigente di Google. Questa energia ha ora bisogno di essere incanalata, paese dopo paese, in modo che la crescita economica possa consolidare le conquiste della strada. Infatti, come le rivoluzioni democratiche possono essere innescate da una mancanza di opportunità individuali, il successo della transizione democratica può dipendere da una espansione della crescita e della prosperità generalizzata.
Così, attingendo da quello che abbiamo imparato in giro per il mondo, pensiamo che sia importante concentrarsi sul commercio, non solo sull’aiuto; sugli investimenti, non solo sull’assistenza. L'obiettivo deve essere un modello in cui il protezionismo ceda il passo all’apertura, i benefici del commercio passino da pochi a molti, e l'economia generi posti di lavoro per i giovani. Il sostegno dell'America per la democrazia sarà quindi basato sulla garanzia di stabilità finanziaria, promuovendo le riforme, e integrando i mercati competitivi tra di loro e con l'economia globale. E abbiamo intenzione di iniziare con la Tunisia e l'Egitto.
In primo luogo, abbiamo chiesto alla Banca Mondiale e al Fondo Monetario Internazionale di presentare un piano in occasione del vertice G8 della prossima settimana per ciò che deve essere fatto per stabilizzare e modernizzare le economie della Tunisia e dell’Egitto. Insieme, dobbiamo aiutarli a recuperare e a interrompere le loro sollevazioni democratiche, e dare sostegno ai governi che saranno eletti nel corso dell'anno. E stiamo sollecitando altri paesi per aiutare Egitto e Tunisia soddisfare le loro esigenze finanziarie a breve termine.
In secondo luogo, noi non vogliamo che l’Egitto democratico sia piegato dal debito del suo passato. Così abbiamo alleviato l’Egitto democratico di più di un miliardo di dollari, e lavoro con i partners egiziani per investire queste risorse e favorire la crescita e l’imprenditorialità. Noi aiuteremo l’Egitto a riottenere l’accesso ai mercati garantendo un miliardo di dollari di indebitamento che sono necessari a creare infrastrutture e lavoro. E aiuteremo i governi a recuperare i beni che sono stati rubati.
In terzo luogo, stiamo lavorando con il Congresso per creare fondi Enterprise di investimento in Tunisia e in Egitto. E questi saranno sul modello dei fondi che ha sostenuto la transizione dell'Europa orientale dopo la caduta del muro di Berlino. OPIC lancerà presto una struttura di 2.000 miliardi di dollari per sostenere gli investimenti privati in tutta la regione. E lavoreremo con gli alleati per riorientare la Banca europea per la ricostruzione e lo sviluppo in modo da fornire lo stesso supporto alla transizione democratica e di modernizzazione economica in Medio Oriente e Nord Africa come in Europa.
In quarto luogo, gli Stati Uniti lanceranno un completo Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in Medio Oriente e Nord Africa. Se si escludono le esportazioni di petrolio, questa regione di oltre 400 milioni di persone esporta circa lo stesso importo della Svizzera. Quindi, lavoreremo con l'UE per facilitare più scambi all'interno della regione, ci si baserà su questi accordi per favorire l'integrazione con i mercati statunitensi ed europei, e aprire la porta per i paesi che adottano elevati standard di riforma e di liberalizzazione degli scambi per costruire un accordo regionale del commercio. Proprio come l'adesione all'Unione europea è servita come incentivo per le riforme in Europa, in modo opportuno la visione di un'economia moderna e prospera può creare una forza potente per le riforme in Medio Oriente e Nord Africa.
Vorrei concludere parlando di un altro punto fondamentale del nostro approccio alla regione, e che riguarda il perseguimento della pace.
Per decenni, il conflitto tra israeliani e arabi ha gettato un'ombra sulla regione. Per gli israeliani, ha significato vivere con la paura che i figli potessero saltare in aria su un autobus o di razzi lanciati nelle loro case, così come il dolore di sapere che altri bambini della regione sono abituati a odiarli. Per i palestinesi, ha significato la sofferenza l'umiliazione dell’occupazione, e non poter vivere in una loro nazione. Inoltre, questo conflitto ha avuto un costo più grande per il Medio Oriente, in quanto impedisce la partnership che potrebbe portare una maggiore sicurezza, la prosperità, e la responsabilizzazione per la gente comune.
Per oltre due anni la mia amministrazione ha lavorato con le parti e la comunità internazionale per porre fine a questo conflitto, portando avanti decenni di lavoro delle precedenti amministrazioni. Ad oggi le aspettative sono state deluse. L’attività di costruzione degli insediamenti israeliani continua. I palestinesi si sono ritirati dai colloqui. Il mondo guarda al conflitto che pare aggrovigliarsi su se stesso e non vede altro che una situazione di stallo. Inoltre ci sono quelli che sostengono che con tutti i cambiamenti e l’incertezza nella regione, non è semplicemente possibile fare passi avanti.
Io non sono d’accordo. Nel momento in cui i popoli del Medio Oriente e del Nord Africa stanno gettando via i fardelli del passato il percorso verso una pace durevole che termini il conflitto e risolva le diverse rivendicazioni. Ciò è certamente vero per le due parti coinvolte.
Per i Palestinesi, gli sforzi di delegittimare Israele si concluderanno in un fallimento. Azioni simboliche per isolare Israele alle Nazioni Unite il prossimo settembre non creeranno uno stato indipendente. I leaders Palestinesi non raggiungeranno pace e prosperità se Hamas insiste in un percorso di terrore e rigetto. E i Palestinesi non realizzeranno mai la loro indipendenza attraverso la negazione del diritto di Israele ad esistere.
Così, per Israele, la nostra amicizia è profondamente radicata in una storia condivisa e valori comuni. Il nostro impegno per la sicurezza di Israele è irremovibile. E noi ci opporremo a tentativi di isolare il tema della sicurezza di Israele per sottoporlo a critica in consessi internazionali. Ma proprio a causa della nostra amicizia è importante che si dica la verità. Lo status quo è insostenibile, e Israele deve agire con coraggio per raggiungere una pace duratura.
Il fatto è che un numero crescente di palestinesi vive ad ovest del fiume Giordano. La tecnologia renderà più difficile per Israele difendersi. Una regione in fase di profondo cambiamento porterà a un movimento popolare in cui milioni di persone - non solo pochi leader - devono credere che la pace è possibile. La comunità internazionale è stanca di un processo senza fine che non produce mai un risultato. Il sogno di uno stato ebraico e democratico non può essere soddisfatto con l'occupazione permanente.
In ultima analisi, spetta a israeliani e palestinesi agire. Nessuna pace può essere imposta a loro, né dagli USA né da nessun altro. Ma un rinvio all’infinito non caccerà il problema. Quello che l'America e la comunità internazionale possono fare è affermare francamente quello che tutti sanno: una pace duratura implicherà due Stati per due popoli. Israele come stato ebraico e la patria per il popolo ebraico e lo stato di Palestina come patria per il popolo palestinese, riconoscendo a ciascun Stato l’autodeterminazione, il riconoscimento reciproco e la pace.
Così, mentre le questioni centrali del conflitto devono essere negoziate, la base di tali negoziati è chiara: una valida Palestina, e un Israele sicuro. Gli Stati Uniti ritengono che i negoziati dovrebbero portare a due stati, con confini permanenti palestinesi con Israele, Giordania ed Egitto, e permanenti confini israeliani con la Palestina. I confini di Israele e della Palestina dovrebbero essere basati sulle linee del 1967 con cambiamenti concordati, in modo che confini sicuri e riconosciuti siano stabiliti per entrambi gli stati. Il popolo palestinese deve avere il diritto di governare se stesso, e raggiungere il proprio pieno potenziale, in uno Stato sovrano.
Per quanto riguarda la sicurezza, ogni Stato ha diritto all'autodifesa, e Israele deve essere in grado di difendere se stesso - di per sé - contro ogni minaccia. Le disposizioni inoltre devono essere sufficientemente robuste per impedire una ripresa del terrorismo, per fermare l'infiltrazione di armi, e per fornire protezione efficace delle frontiere. Il ritiro completo e graduale delle forze militari israeliane deve essere coordinato con l'assunzione di responsabilità di sicurezza palestinesi nell’ambito di uno Stato sovrano, non militarizzato. La durata di questo periodo di transizione deve essere concordata, e l'efficacia dei dispositivi di sicurezza deve essere dimostrata.
Tali principi forniscono una base per i negoziati. I palestinesi devono conoscere la competenza territoriale e i confini del loro stato, gli israeliani devono sapere che le loro preoccupazioni basilari di sicurezza saranno soddisfatte. So che queste misure, da sole non risolveranno il conflitto. Due questioni strazianti ed emotive rimangono: il futuro di Gerusalemme, e il destino dei profughi palestinesi. Ma andando avanti ora, sulla base del territorio e della sicurezza fornisce una base per risolvere questi due problemi in un modo che è giusto ed equo, e che rispetti i diritti e le aspirazioni degli israeliani e palestinesi.
Lasciatemi dire: riconoscere che i negoziati devono cominciare con le questioni del territorio e della sicurezza non significa che sarà facile tornare al tavolo. In particolare, il recente annuncio di un accordo tra Fatah e Hamas solleva profondi interrogativi legittimi per Israele - come negoziare con una controparte che si è dimostrata riluttante a riconoscere il tuo diritto di esistere? Nelle settimane e nei mesi a venire, i leader palestinesi dovranno dare una risposta credibile a questa domanda. Nel frattempo, gli Stati Uniti, i nostri partner del Quartetto, e gli Stati arabi dovranno continuare ogni sforzo per andare oltre l'attuale impasse.
Mi rendo conto quanto sia difficile che questo avvenga. Diffidenza e ostilità sono state tramandate da generazioni, e talora questo ha irrigidito il contesto. Ma sono convinto che la maggioranza degli israeliani e dei palestinesi preferiscano guardare al futuro anziché essere intrappolati nel passato. Vediamo lo spirito del padre israeliano il cui figlio è stato ucciso da Hamas, e che ha favorito l'inizio di un'organizzazione che ha riunito gli israeliani e i palestinesi che avevano perso i propri cari. Ha detto, "mi sono gradualmente reso conto che l'unica speranza per il progresso era quella di riconoscere il volto del conflitto". E lo vediamo nelle azioni di un palestinese che ha perso tre figlie a causa delle bombe israeliane a Gaza. "Ho il diritto di sentirmi arrabbiato", ha detto. "Così tante persone si aspettavano che io odiassi. La mia risposta a loro è che io non odierò. Speriamo”, ha detto, “per domani”.
Questa è la scelta che deve essere fatta - non solo in questo conflitto, ma in tutta la regione - una scelta tra odio e speranza, tra le catene del passato, e la promessa del futuro. E' una scelta che deve essere fatta dai leader e dalla gente, ed è una scelta che determinerà il futuro di una regione che è servita come la culla della civiltà e un crogiuolo di liti.
Per tutte le sfide che ci attendono, vediamo molte ragioni per essere fiduciosi. In Egitto, lo vediamo negli sforzi dei giovani che hanno guidato le proteste. In Siria, lo vediamo nel coraggio di chi non temendo le pallottole inneggiava alla 'pace'. A Bengasi, città minacciata di distruzione, lo vediamo nella piazza del palazzo di giustizia, dove la gente si riunisce per celebrare la libertà che non aveva mai conosciuto. In tutta la regione, quei diritti che diamo per scontati vengono rivendicati con gioia da coloro che vogliono uscire dalla morsa del pugno di ferro.
Per il popolo americano, le scene di sconvolgimento nella regione possono essere inquietanti, ma le forze che le guidano non ci sono sconosciute. La nostra nazione è stata fondata attraverso una ribellione contro un impero. La nostra gente ha combattuto una guerra civile dolorosa che ha ridato la libertà e la dignità a chi è stato ridotto in schiavitù. E io non sarei qui di fronte a voi oggi se le generazioni passate non avessero scelto la forza morale della non-violenza come mezzo per perfezionare la nostra unione - organizzando, marciando, e protestando pacificamente insieme per rendere reali quelle parole che fondano la nostra nazione: "Riteniamo queste verità di per se stesse evidenti, che tutti gli uomini sono creati uguali.
Queste parole devono guidare la nostra risposta al cambiamento che sta trasformando il Medio Oriente e il Nord Africa - parole che ci dicono che la repressione non funziona, che i tiranni cadranno, e che ogni uomo e ogni donna è dotata di alcuni diritti inalienabili.
Non sarà facile. Non c'è nessuna linea retta verso il progresso, e le difficoltà accompagnano sempre una stagione di speranza. Ma gli Stati Uniti d'America sono stati fondati sulla convinzione che le persone dovrebbero autogovernarsi. Ora, non possiamo esitare a stare saldamente dalla parte di chi sta raggiungendo i propri diritti, sapendo che il loro successo porterà a un mondo più pacifico, più stabile e più giusto.
Grazie a tutti. Grazie.
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 20, 2011
Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel After Bilateral Meeting
Oval Office
1:35 P.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, let me, first of all, welcome again Prime Minister Netanyahu, who I think has now been here seven times during the course of my presidency. And I want to indicate that the frequency of these meetings is an indication of the extraordinary bonds between our two countries, as is the opportunity for the Prime Minister to address Congress during his visit here. I know that’s an honor that’s reserved for those who have always shown themselves to be a great friend of the United States and is indicative of the friendship between our countries.
We just completed a prolonged and extremely useful conversation touching on a wide range of issues. We discussed, first of all, the changes that are sweeping the region and what has been happening in places like Egypt and Syria and how they affect the interests and security of the United States and Israel, as well as the opportunity for prosperity, growth and development in the Arab world.
We agreed that there is a moment of opportunity that can be seized as a consequence of the Arab Spring, but also acknowledge that there’s significant perils as well, and that it’s going to be important for the United States and Israel to consult closely as we see developments unfold.
I outlined for the Prime Minister some of the issues that I discussed in my speech yesterday -- how important it was going to be for the United States to support political reform, support human rights, support freedom of speech, religious tolerance and economic development, particularly in Egypt, as the largest Arab country, as well as Tunisia, the country that first started this revolutionary movement that’s taking place throughout the Middle East and North Africa.
We also discussed the situation in Syria, which is obviously of acute concern to Israel, given its shared border. And I gave more details to the Prime Minister about the significant steps that we are taking to try to pressure Syria and the Assad regime to reform, including the sanctions that we placed directly on President Assad.
We continue to share our deep concerns about Iran, not only the threat that it poses to Israel but also the threat that it poses to the region and the world if it were to develop a nuclear weapon. We updated our strategy to continue to apply pressure, both through sanctions and our other diplomatic work. And I reiterated my belief that it is unacceptable for Iran to possess a nuclear weapon.
We also discussed the hypocrisy of Iran suggesting that it somehow supports democratization in the Middle East when, in fact, they first showed the repressive nature of that regime when they responded to the own peaceful protests that took place inside Iran almost two years ago.
Finally, we discussed the issue of a prospective peace between Israelis and Palestinians. And I reiterated and we discussed in depth the principles that I laid out yesterday -- the belief that our ultimate goal has to be a secure Israeli state, a Jewish state, living side by side in peace and security with a contiguous, functioning and effective Palestinian state.
Obviously there are some differences between us in the precise formulations and language, and that’s going to happen between friends. But what we are in complete accord about is that a true peace can only occur if the ultimate resolution allows Israel to defend itself against threats, and that Israel’s security will remain paramount in U.S. evaluations of any prospective peace deal.
I said that yesterday in the speech, and I continue to believe it. And I think that it is possible for us to shape a deal that allows Israel to secure itself, not to be vulnerable, but also allows it to resolve what has obviously been a wrenching issue for both peoples for decades now.
I also pointed out, as I said in the speech yesterday, that it is very difficult for Israel to be expected to negotiate in a serious way with a party that refuses to acknowledge its right to exist. And so for that reason I think the Palestinians are going to have to answer some very difficult questions about this agreement that’s been made between Fatah and Hamas. Hamas has been and is an organization that has resorted to terror; that has refused to acknowledge Israel’s rights to exist. It is not a partner for a significant, realistic peace process. And so, as I said yesterday during the speech, the Palestinians are going to have to explain how they can credibly engage in serious peace negotiations in the absence of observing the Quartet principles that have been put forward previously.
So, overall, I thought this was an extremely constructive discussion. And coming out of this discussion, I once again can reaffirm that the extraordinarily close relationship between the United States and Israel is sound and will continue, and that together, hopefully we are going to be able to work to usher in a new period of peace and prosperity in a region that is going to be going through some very profound transformations in the coming weeks, months and years.
So, Mr. Prime Minister.
PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: Thank you, Mr. President.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much.
PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: Mr. President, first I want to thank you and the First Lady for the gracious hospitality that you’ve shown me, my wife, and our entire delegation. We have an enduring bond of friendship between our two countries, and I appreciate the opportunity to have this meeting with you after your important speech yesterday.
We share your hope and your vision for the spread of democracy in the Middle East. I appreciate the fact that you reaffirmed once again now, and in our conversation, and in actual deed the commitment to Israel’s security. We value your efforts to advance the peace process.
This is something that we want to have accomplished. Israel wants peace. I want peace. What we all want is a peace that will be genuine, that will hold, that will endure. And I think that the -- we both agree that a peace based on illusions will crash eventually on the rocks of Middle Eastern reality, and that the only peace that will endure is one that is based on reality, on unshakeable facts.
I think for there to be peace, the Palestinians will have to accept some basic realities. The first is that while Israel is prepared to make generous compromises for peace, it cannot go back to the 1967 lines -- because these lines are indefensible; because they don’t take into account certain changes that have taken place on the ground, demographic changes that have taken place over the last 44 years.
Remember that, before 1967, Israel was all of nine miles wide. It was half the width of the Washington Beltway. And these were not the boundaries of peace; they were the boundaries of repeated wars, because the attack on Israel was so attractive.
So we can't go back to those indefensible lines, and we're going to have to have a long-term military presence along the Jordan. I discussed this with the President and I think that we understand that Israel has certain security requirements that will have to come into place in any deal that we make.
The second is -- echoes something the President just said, and that is that Israel cannot negotiate with a Palestinian government that is backed by Hamas. Hamas, as the President said, is a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction. It’s fired thousands of rockets on our cities, on our children. It’s recently fired an anti-tank rocket at a yellow school bus, killing a 16-year-old boy. And Hamas has just attacked you, Mr. President, and the United States for ridding the world of bin Laden.
So Israel obviously cannot be asked to negotiate with a government that is backed by the Palestinian version of al Qaeda.
I think President Abbas has a simple choice. He has to decide if he negotiates or keeps his pact with Hamas, or makes peace with Israel. And I can only express what I said to you just now, that I hope he makes the choice, the right choice, in choosing peace with Israel.
The third reality is that the Palestinian refugee problem will have to be resolved in the context of a Palestinian state, but certainly not in the borders of Israel.
The Arab attack in 1948 on Israel resulted in two refugee problems -- Palestinian refugee problem and Jewish refugees, roughly the same number, who were expelled from Arab lands. Now, tiny Israel absorbed the Jewish refugees, but the vast Arab world refused to absorb the Palestinian refugees. Now, 63 years later, the Palestinians come to us and they say to Israel, accept the grandchildren, really, and the great grandchildren of these refugees, thereby wiping out Israel’s future as a Jewish state.
So it’s not going to happen. Everybody knows it’s not going to happen. And I think it’s time to tell the Palestinians forthrightly it’s not going to happen. The Palestinian refugee problem has to be resolved. It can be resolved, and it will be resolved if the Palestinians choose to do so in a Palestinian state. So that's a real possibility. But it’s not going to be resolved within the Jewish state.
The President and I discussed all these issues and I think we may have differences here and there, but I think there’s an overall direction that we wish to work together to pursue a real, genuine peace between Israel and its Palestinian neighbors; a peace that is defensible.
Mr. President, you're the -- you're the leader of a great people, the American people. And I'm the leader of a much smaller people, the --
PRESIDENT OBAMA: A great people.
PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: It’s a great people, too. It’s the ancient nation of Israel. And, you know, we've been around for almost 4,000 years. We've experienced struggle and suffering like no other people. We've gone through expulsions and pogroms and massacres and the murder of millions. But I can say that even at the dearth of -- even at the nadir of the valley of death, we never lost hope and we never lost our dream of reestablishing a sovereign state in our ancient homeland, the land of Israel.
And now it falls on my shoulders as the Prime Minister of Israel, at a time of extraordinary instability and uncertainty in the Middle East, to work with you to fashion a peace that will ensure Israel’s security and will not jeopardize its survival. I take this responsibility with pride but with great humility, because, as I told you in our conversation, we don't have a lot of margin for error. And because, Mr. President, history will not give the Jewish people another chance.
So in the coming days and weeks and months, I intend to work with you to seek a peace that will address our security concerns, seek a genuine recognition that we wish from our Palestinian neighbors to give a better future for Israel and for the entire region.
And I thank you for the opportunity to exchange our views and to work together for this common end. Thank you, Mr. President.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.
END 1:51 P.M. EDT
20 May. 2011
NATO targets Libyan Navy in Tripoli, Al Khums and Sirte
NAPLES – NATO and coalition air assets continued their precision airstrikes against pro-Qadhafi regime forces overnight with a coordinated strike against pro-Qadhafi forces in the ports of Tripoli, Al Khums and Sirte.
Overnight, NATO aircraft hit pro-Qadhafi warships, striking eight vessels.
“All NATO’s targets are military in nature and are directly linked to the Qadhafi regime’s systematic attacks on the Libyan people,” said Rear-Admiral Russell Harding, Deputy Commander Operation Unified Protector. “Given the escalating use of naval assets, NATO had no choice but to take decisive action to protect the civilian population of Libya and NATO forces at sea,” he further added.
Over the past couple of weeks we have witnessed indiscriminate mining and the escalating use of force by pro-Qadhafi maritime forces. This has directly disrupted the safe flow of desperately needed humanitarian assistance and put NATO forces at risk. This development of pro-Qadhafi tactics has also demonstrated a clear intent to attack NATO forces.
Last night, NATO took deliberate action in carefully planned and coordinated responses to demonstrate our resolve to protect the civilian population of Libya, using appropriate and proportionate force. “All the vessels targeted last night were naval warships with no civilian utility,” said Rear-Admiral Harding.
On April 29th, pro-Qadhafi forces used pro-Qadhafi maritime assets to mine the entrance to the port of Misrata. On a further three occasions, pro-Qadhafi maritime assets have been intercepted by NATO ships. This included an incident where NATO interdicted a booby-trapped vessel leading to the discovery and subsequent destruction of one tonne of explosives at sea.
Since the start of NATO’s mission, we have been vocal and pro-active in instructing pro-Qadhafi forces to lay down their arms. We have communicated our desire for them to move away from military equipment, military installations and maritime assets.
NATO has constantly adapted to the rapidly changing and dynamic situation in Libya and at sea. This is a complex campaign, which is being conducted within the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. This mandate legally authorised the use of all necessary measures to protect the civilian population of Libya.
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 22, 2011
Remarks by the President at the AIPAC Policy Conference 2011
Walter E. Washington Convention Center
Washington, D.C.
10:56 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. Thank you very much. (Applause.) Good morning. Thank you. Thank you so much. Please, have a seat. Thank you.
What a remarkable, remarkable crowd. Thank you, Rosy, for your very kind introduction. I did not know you played basketball. (Laughter.) I will take your word for it. (Laughter.) Rosy, thank you for your many years of friendship. Back in Chicago, when I was just getting started in national politics, I reached out to a lot of people for advice and counsel, and Rosy was one of the very first. When I made my first visit to Israel, after entering the Senate, Rosy, you were at my side every step of that profound journey through the Holy Land. So I want to thank you for your enduring friendship, your leadership, and for your warm introduction today.
I also want to thank David Victor, Howard Kohr and all the board of directors. And let me say that it is wonderful to look out and see so many great friends, including a very large delegation from Chicago. (Applause.) Alan Solow, Howard Green. Thank you all.
I want to thank the members of Congress who are joining you today -- who do so much to sustain the bonds between the United States and Israel, including Eric Cantor -- (applause) -- Steny Hoyer -- (applause) -- and the tireless leader I was proud to appoint as the new chair of the DNC, Debbie Wasserman Schultz. (Applause.)
We’re joined by Israel’s representative to the United States, Ambassador Michael Oren. (Applause.) And we’re joined by one of my top advisors on Israel and the Middle East for the past four years and who I know is going to be an outstanding ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro. (Applause.) Dan has always been a close and trusted advisor and friend, and I know that he will do a terrific job.
And at a time when so many young people around the world are standing up and making their voices heard, I also want to acknowledge all the college students from across the country who are here today. (Applause.) No one has a greater stake in the outcome of events that are unfolding today than your generation, and it’s inspiring to see you devote your time and energy to help shape that future.
Now, I’m not here to subject you to a long policy speech. I gave one on Thursday in which I said that the United States sees the historic changes sweeping the Middle East and North Africa as a moment of great challenge, but also a moment of opportunity for greater peace and security for the entire region, including the State of Israel.
On Friday, I was joined at the White House by Prime Minister Netanyahu, and we reaffirmed -- (applause) -- we reaffirmed that fundamental truth that has guided our presidents and prime ministers for more than 60 years -- that even while we may at times disagree, as friends sometimes will, the bonds between the United States and Israel are unbreakable -- (applause) -- and the commitment of the United States to the security of Israel is ironclad. (Applause.)
A strong and secure Israel is in the national security interest of the United States not simply because we share strategic interests, although we do both seek a region where families and children can live free from the threat of violence. It’s not simply because we face common dangers, although there can be no denying that terrorism and the spread of nuclear weapons are grave threats to both our nations.
America’s commitment to Israel’s security flows from a deeper place -- and that’s the values we share. As two people who struggled to win our freedom against overwhelming odds, we understand that preserving the security for which our forefathers -- and foremothers -- fought must be the work of every generation. As two vibrant democracies, we recognize that the liberties and freedoms we cherish must be constantly nurtured. And as the nation that recognized the State of Israel moments after its independence, we have a profound commitment to its survival as a strong, secure homeland for the Jewish people. (Applause.)
We also know how difficult that search for security can be, especially for a small nation like Israel living in a very tough neighborhood. I’ve seen it firsthand. When I touched my hand against the Western Wall and placed my prayer between its ancient stones, I thought of all the centuries that the children of Israel had longed to return to their ancient homeland. When I went to Sderot and saw the daily struggle to survive in the eyes of an eight-year-old boy who lost his leg to a Hamas rocket, and when I walked among the Hall of Names at Yad Vashem, I was reminded of the existential fear of Israelis when a modern dictator seeks nuclear weapons and threatens to wipe Israel off the face of the map -- face of the Earth.
Because we understand the challenges Israel faces, I and my administration have made the security of Israel a priority. It’s why we’ve increased cooperation between our militaries to unprecedented levels. It’s why we’re making our most advanced technologies available to our Israeli allies. (Applause.) It’s why, despite tough fiscal times, we’ve increased foreign military financing to record levels. (Applause.) And that includes additional support –- beyond regular military aid -– for the Iron Dome anti-rocket system. (Applause.) A powerful example of American-Israeli cooperation -- a powerful example of American-Israeli cooperation which has already intercepted rockets from Gaza and helped saved Israeli lives. So make no mistake, we will maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge. (Applause.)
You also see our commitment to our shared security in our determination to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. (Applause.) Here in the United States, we’ve imposed the toughest sanctions ever on the Iranian regime. (Applause.) At the United Nations, under our leadership, we’ve secured the most comprehensive international sanctions on the regime, which have been joined by allies and partners around the world. Today, Iran is virtually cut off from large parts of the international financial system, and we’re going to keep up the pressure. So let me be absolutely clear –- we remain committed to preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. (Applause.)
Its illicit nuclear program is just one challenge that Iran poses. As I said on Thursday, the Iranian government has shown its hypocrisy by claiming to support the rights of protesters while treating its own people with brutality. Moreover, Iran continues to support terrorism across the region, including providing weapons and funds to terrorist organizations. So we will continue to work to prevent these actions, and we will stand up to groups like Hezbollah, who exercise political assassination and seek to impose their will through rockets and car bombs.
You also see our commitment to Israel’s security in our steadfast opposition to any attempt to de-legitimize the State of Israel. (Applause.) As I said at the United Nations last year, “Israel’s existence must not be a subject for debate,” and “efforts to chip away at Israel’s legitimacy will only be met by the unshakeable opposition of the United States.” (Applause.)
So when the Durban Review Conference advanced anti-Israel sentiment, we withdrew. In the wake of the Goldstone Report, we stood up strongly for Israel’s right to defend itself. (Applause.) When an effort was made to insert the United Nations into matters that should be resolved through direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, we vetoed it. (Applause.)
And so, in both word and deed, we have been unwavering in our support of Israel’s security. (Applause.) And it is precisely because of our commitment to Israel’s long-term security that we have worked to advance peace between Israelis and Palestinians. (Applause.)
Now, I have said repeatedly that core issues can only be negotiated in direct talks between the parties. (Applause.) And I indicated on Thursday that the recent agreement between Fatah and Hamas poses an enormous obstacle to peace. (Applause.) No country can be expected to negotiate with a terrorist organization sworn to its destruction. (Applause.) And we will continue to demand that Hamas accept the basic responsibilities of peace, including recognizing Israel’s right to exist and rejecting violence and adhering to all existing agreements. (Applause.) And we once again call on Hamas to release Gilad Shalit, who has been kept from his family for five long years. (Applause.)
And yet, no matter how hard it may be to start meaningful negotiations under current circumstances, we must acknowledge that a failure to try is not an option. The status quo is unsustainable. And that is why on Thursday I stated publicly the principles that the United States believes can provide a foundation for negotiations toward an agreement to end the conflict and all claims -- the broad outlines of which have been known for many years, and have been the template for discussions between the United States, Israel, and the Palestinians since at least the Clinton administration.
I know that stating these principles -- on the issues of territory and security -- generated some controversy over the past few days. (Laughter.) I wasn’t surprised. I know very well that the easy thing to do, particularly for a President preparing for reelection, is to avoid any controversy. I don’t need Rahm to tell me that. Don’t need Axelrod to tell me that. But I said to Prime Minister Netanyahu, I believe that the current situation in the Middle East does not allow for procrastination. I also believe that real friends talk openly and honestly with one another. (Applause.) So I want to share with you some of what I said to the Prime Minister.
Here are the facts we all must confront. First, the number of Palestinians living west of the Jordan River is growing rapidly and fundamentally reshaping the demographic realities of both Israel and the Palestinian Territories. This will make it harder and harder -- without a peace deal -- to maintain Israel as both a Jewish state and a democratic state.
Second, technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself in the absence of a genuine peace.
Third, a new generation of Arabs is reshaping the region. A just and lasting peace can no longer be forged with one or two Arab leaders. Going forward, millions of Arab citizens have to see that peace is possible for that peace to be sustained.
And just as the context has changed in the Middle East, so too has it been changing in the international community over the last several years. There’s a reason why the Palestinians are pursuing their interests at the United Nations. They recognize that there is an impatience with the peace process, or the absence of one, not just in the Arab World -- in Latin America, in Asia, and in Europe. And that impatience is growing, and it’s already manifesting itself in capitals around the world.
And those are the facts. I firmly believe, and I repeated on Thursday, that peace cannot be imposed on the parties to the conflict. No vote at the United Nations will ever create an independent Palestinian state. And the United States will stand up against efforts to single Israel out at the United Nations or in any international forum. (Applause.) Israel’s legitimacy is not a matter for debate. That is my commitment; that is my pledge to all of you. (Applause.)
Moreover, we know that peace demands a partner –- which is why I said that Israel cannot be expected to negotiate with Palestinians who do not recognize its right to exist. (Applause.) And we will hold the Palestinians accountable for their actions and for their rhetoric. (Applause.)
But the march to isolate Israel internationally -- and the impulse of the Palestinians to abandon negotiations –- will continue to gain momentum in the absence of a credible peace process and alternative. And for us to have leverage with the Palestinians, to have leverage with the Arab States and with the international community, the basis for negotiations has to hold out the prospect of success. And so, in advance of a five-day trip to Europe in which the Middle East will be a topic of acute interest, I chose to speak about what peace will require.
There was nothing particularly original in my proposal; this basic framework for negotiations has long been the basis for discussions among the parties, including previous U.S. administrations. Since questions have been raised, let me repeat what I actually said on Thursday -- not what I was reported to have said.
I said
that the United States believes that negotiations should result in two states,
with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and
permanent Israeli borders with Palestine. The borders of Israel and
Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps --
(applause) -- so that secure and recognized borders are established for both
states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and
reach their potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state.
As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be
able to defend itself –- by itself -– against any threat.
(Applause.) Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence
of terrorism, to stop the infiltration of weapons, and to provide effective
border security. (Applause.) And a full and phased withdrawal of
Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of
Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign and non-militarized
state. (Applause.) And the duration of this transition period must
be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be
demonstrated. (Applause.)
Now, that is what I said. And it was my reference to the 1967 lines -- with mutually agreed swaps -- that received the lion’s share of the attention, including just now. And since my position has been misrepresented several times, let me reaffirm what “1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps” means.
By definition, it means that the parties themselves -– Israelis and Palestinians -– will negotiate a border that is different than the one that existed on June 4, 1967. (Applause.) That’s what mutually agreed-upon swaps means. It is a well-known formula to all who have worked on this issue for a generation. It allows the parties themselves to account for the changes that have taken place over the last 44 years. (Applause.) It allows the parties themselves to take account of those changes, including the new demographic realities on the ground, and the needs of both sides. The ultimate goal is two states for two people: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people -- (applause) -- and the State of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people -- each state in joined self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace. (Applause.)
If there is a controversy, then, it’s not based in substance. What I did on Thursday was to say publicly what has long been acknowledged privately. I’ve done so because we can’t afford to wait another decade, or another two decades, or another three decades to achieve peace. (Applause.) The world is moving too fast. The world is moving too fast. The extraordinary challenges facing Israel will only grow. Delay will undermine Israel’s security and the peace that the Israeli people deserve.
Now, I know that some of you will disagree with this assessment. I respect that. And as fellow Americans and friends of Israel, I know we can have this discussion.
Ultimately, it is the right and the responsibility of the Israeli government to make the hard choices that are necessary to protect a Jewish and democratic state for which so many generations have sacrificed. (Applause.) And as a friend of Israel, I’m committed to doing our part to see that this goal is realized. And I will call not just on Israel, but on the Palestinians, on the Arab States, and the international community to join us in this effort, because the burden of making hard choices must not be Israel’s alone. (Applause.)
But even as we do all that’s necessary to ensure Israel’s security, even as we are clear-eyed about the difficult challenges before us, and even as we pledge to stand by Israel through whatever tough days lie ahead, I hope we do not give up on that vision of peace. For if history teaches us anything, if the story of Israel teaches us anything, it is that with courage and resolve, progress is possible. Peace is possible.
The Talmud teaches us that, “So long as a person still has life, they should never abandon faith.” And that lesson seems especially fitting today.
For so
long as there are those across the Middle East and beyond who are standing up
for the legitimate rights and freedoms which have been denied by their
governments, the United States will never abandon our support for those rights
that are universal.
And so long as there are those who long for a better future, we will never
abandon our pursuit of a just and lasting peace that ends this conflict with
two states living side by side in peace and security. This is not idealism; it
is not naïveté. It is a hard-headed recognition that a genuine peace is
the only path that will ultimately provide for a peaceful Palestine as the
homeland of the Palestinian people and a Jewish state of Israel as the homeland
of the Jewish people. (Applause.) That is my goal, and I look forward to
continuing to work with AIPAC to achieve that goal.
Thank you. God bless you. God bless Israel, and God bless the United States of America. (Applause.) Thank you.
END
11:21 P.M. EDT
Speech by Federal Foreign Minister Westerwelle at the Opening of the Kronberg Talks in Rabat
17.05.2011
- Translation of advanced text -
Foreign Minister, my distinguished colleague Taïb, Ms Mohn, Mr Thielen, Commissioner Oettinger, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Thank you to the Moroccan Foreign Ministry and the Bertelsmann Foundation for organizing our Kronberg Talks.
The developments in the Maghreb, in North Africa and throughout the Arab world are historic. Their significance resonates far beyond the region, and new potential for close cooperation with Europe is emerging. The region’s influence in global politics will grow.
Unfortunately the great hope with which I look to the Arab world is also tinged with great concern.
Many governments in the region have failed to recognize the signs of the times, and have responded with brutal violence to the deeply human yearning for freedom.
In Libya, Colonel Qaddafi must finally stop waging war against his own people and clear the way for a new beginning.
The EU has imposed sanctions against Syria in order for President Assad to immediately cease attacking peaceful demonstrators and introduce fundamental political reforms.
In Yemen, all sides should avoid escalation and agree to the Gulf Cooperation Council’s proposal for peaceful transformation.
We call upon the Government of Bahrain to respect human rights, and we hope that they will enter into genuine dialogue with the opposition.
All of these crises can only be solved politically. There will be no returning to the past.
The people will only accept solutions that lead to greater openness, increase democracy, strengthen the rule of law and improve the protection of human rights.
We intend to support all governments that are pursuing a path of democratic transformation. This holds especially true for Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco. Germany has heard the call for freedom and stands on the side of those who seek democracy. The region’s democratic awakening is above all the achievement of brave men and women in North Africa and the Middle East. It is the force of their courage and imagination that has wrought these changes. They themselves will forge the path to a freer and better future.
It’s up to Europe as a neighbour to support this transformation, which is also in our own fundamental interest. I have worked to ensure that the European Union offer a genuine transformation partnership to countries in the region that are willing to undertake reforms.
We want to support the region on its path to democracy and a market economy. Germany has already pioneered its own transformation programmes. We are supporting the Egyptian and Tunisian people as they develop an independent judiciary, independent political parties and free media. These are the cornerstones of a free and democratic society as well as the preconditions for free and fair elections.
We are expanding our cooperation with both countries in the area of higher education. With the support of chambers of commerce, German companies are creating jobs in the region, which is especially important at this time. Democratic transformation can only succeed when people experience not only more freedom but also more opportunities to prosper.
Bilateral support is important. But even greater momentum can come from European support. The new Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean which we are currently considering would be a step in the right direction.
The European Neighbourhood Policy needs to be reconfigured to provide targeted support for democratic change. We Europeans must summon the courage to challenge traditional views.
What we need is not formalized meetings as part of an Association Agreement, but rather a clear and open conversation about political issues, human rights and freedom.
What we need is not the easing of individual trade restrictions, but rather the full opening of the European market, including to agricultural products.
What we need is not stricter border control, but rather more mobility in order to advance economic development in the southern Mediterranean region.
What we need is not individual energy projects, but rather a Euro-Mediterranean Energy Community that harnesses the strengths of a common market and lays the groundwork for our shared energy future.
Giving shape to future relations between Europe and North Africa is a shared challenge. We expect bold proposals from the European Commission in the area of European Neighbourhood Policy, which we intend to develop jointly with our partners in the southern Mediterranean region.
Morocco made an early start on the path towards greater freedom and political participation. His Majesty Mohammed VI has been a trailblazer in the region, pursuing courageous reforms since 1999. These changes are particularly evident in Morocco’s modern family law, which has fundamentally strengthened the rights of women. I encourage the Moroccan Government not to diminish its efforts towards openness, but to do everything in its power to drive the transformation forward.
This is hard work. It is therefore all the more significant that the King of Morocco wants to use the Arab Spring as an occasion to add new momentum to reforms in Morocco.
I especially welcome proposals for the separation of powers as well as the determination to re-shape the judiciary into a fully independent state authority.
I am happy that the members of the constitutional commission are here today. You bear tremendous responsibility. We are following your work with great interest and favour, and we wish you every success. The wish to take part in the political process is the common basis of the region’s reform movements. Greater political participation is the yardstick by which governments will be measured, today and tomorrow.
Many Europeans doubted that profound governmental and societal modernization was possible in Arab countries. But these weeks and months have proven that Islam and democratization do not stand in opposition to one another.
Unfortunately, in Morocco too violence has cast a shadow over the changes underway. I was deeply saddened to hear news of the reprehensible attack in Marrakech in late April.
I would like to express my condolences to the Moroccan people. My thoughts are with the families of the victims. I wish a speedy and full recovery to those who have been injured.
Terrorism, especially as perpetrated by al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, poses a major threat to the region, and demands not only answers at the national level–it must also be combated regionally and internationally. But even terrorism cannot destroy the yearning for freedom. However real the danger of terrorism remains, we must not allow terrorists to prevent us from tackling further reforms.
The upheaval in the Arab world can provide the impetus for closer regional cooperation. The Maghreb is a geographical term, but not yet an economic reality.
The division of the Maghreb bears an annual cost of 2% of GDP. This thus-far neglected potential must be realized.
We are pleased at the high-level contact between Morocco and Algeria in recent weeks. We hope this will continue and intensify. If the step-by-step integration of North African economies succeeds and existing borders such as that between Morocco and Algeria become permeable, the unified economic zone that could emerge would be a much more attractive partner in the globalized economy. The revitalization of politics in North Africa is accompanied by great opportunities for economic revitalization too. The other way round, reforms will only be successful if the economy thrives and young people can see a future for themselves.
Relations with Algeria hold a great deal of untapped economic potential. We must not allow past conflicts to determine the course of the future. We need to bring new impetus to solving the Western Sahara conflict.
It is my wish for the United Nations Special Envoy for Western Sahara that he will make progress towards a negotiated solution, step by step. All parties have an obligation to participate.
Closer cooperation with Germany and Europe offers many opportunities. Bilaterally and on the European level, we are already working closely to promote renewable energies.Clean and stable energy sources are vital to infrastructure and healthy growth.The combination of European know-how and Morocco’s climatic conditions – which are ideal for renewable energies – creates future-oriented training opportunities and jobs here.In the medium term, renewable energies from Morocco can become a top export to Europe.This in turn will mean more opportunities for young people in Morocco.
Germany is already supporting Morocco’s solar energy plan.We are already preparing permanent German-Moroccan cooperation in the expansion of renewable energies.One example of our cooperation is the construction of a solar-thermal power plant in Ouarzazate.The German Government is supporting this project with a low-interest loan of 80 million euro.
When such pilot projects become lucrative, they will also attract private investors to Morocco.
I am confident that German businesses will also muster the courage for more sustainable engagement in the Maghreb.A call is going out to all parties on the German side: government, political parties, businesses, unions, political foundations, civil society.In order for transformation to succeed in the long term, we must also include the powers of a temperate political Islam in dialogue.
An energy partnership with the European Union can become a role model for future Euro-Mediterranean partnerships.All of us need this close partnership.The waters of the Mediterranean will no longer separate us, as the ties between us will become closer than ever before.