Intervento del Presidente Napolitano all'Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite
New York, 28/03/2011
Presidente Deiss, Segretario Generale Ban,
Rappresentanti Permanenti, Signore e Signori,
è per me un grande onore rivolgermi all'Assemblea Generale in un
momento estremamente impegnativo per tutti.
Siamo dinanzi a serie minacce alla Pace e alla sicurezza internazionali,
focolai di instabilità politica, disordini economici e finanziari e disastri
naturali senza precedenti. Venti di libertà, domande di dignità umana e
giustizia sociale si levano con forza attraverso il mondo. Dobbiamo
pronunciarci in difesa dei diritti umani come fondamento della stabilità
politica e di una crescita sostenibile. Dobbiamo rafforzare la legittimità
internazionale e lo Stato di diritto. Dobbiamo rinnovare il nostro impegno per
un sistema multilaterale di relazioni internazionali. Abbiamo bisogno delle
Nazioni Unite.
La storia, la geografia e la cultura dell'Italia sono radicate nel
Mediterraneo. Le fortune dell'Europa ascendono e decadono con il Mediterraneo.
Noi, Italiani, Europei percepiamo noi stessi come parte del Mediterraneo. Mari
ed oceani uniscono i popoli e i loro destini. Il nostro futuro risiede in un
partenariato condiviso con i nostri amici in Nord Africa, nel Medio Oriente,
nel Golfo.
Nelle ultime settimane e mesi un'ondata di disordini e malcontento ha sconvolto
molti paesi nella regione. La popolazione è scesa in strada. Non nascondo la
nostra preoccupazione rispetto a questa piega degli eventi. Nessuno gradisce
l'instabilità alla propria porta di casa. In alcuni casi tuttavia la stabilità
era più fragile e precaria di quanto non apparisse e noi stessi avremmo dovuto
essere maggiormente consapevoli delle possibili conseguenze di forme
autoritarie di governo e della corruzione diffusa nei circoli ristretti al
potere.
Di converso, il percorso che molti governi hanno ora coraggiosamente intrapreso
nella direzione del negoziato politico, del dialogo con la società civile e
della partecipazione democratica, comporterà un rafforzamento delle istituzioni
statali e della legge. La democrazia avanzerà, dall'interno e senza essere
imposta da fuori. Saranno così poste fondamenta solide e credibili per la
crescita economica e un benessere più diffuso.
Il futuro dei nostri partners e amici del Mediterraneo è nelle loro mani. Essi
devono tuttavia sapere che non rimarranno soli, né isolati, né dimenticati.
L'Italia e l'Europa sono pronte ad unire le forze con loro e a sostenere i loro
sforzi di rinnovamento politico, sociale ed economico. All'inizio di marzo, con
la Comunicazione della Commissione Europea sul partenariato per la democrazia e
la condivisione del benessere con il Mediterraneo meridionale, l'Unione Europea
ha introdotto una strategia più focalizzata, innovativa e ad ampio raggio per
rispondere ai mutamenti in corso nel Mediterraneo. "Le riforme politiche
ed economiche", vi si dice, "devono accompagnarsi, favorendolo, con
il godimento dei diritti politici e della libertà, la trasparenza e la
partecipazione. L'Unione Europea deve essere pronta a garantire maggiore
sostegno ai Paesi che sono disponibili ad impegnarsi in vista di questa agenda
comune, ma anche a riconsiderare il proprio supporto a quei governi che si
allontanano da tale percorso". Su ciò si gioca una stabilizzazione di
lungo periodo. I suoi fondamenti sono da ricercarsi in fattori quali la
libertà, la fioritura della società civile, il rispetto dei diritti umani, il
progresso democratico, la riconciliazione nazionale e il buon governo.
Nessuno di questi fattori era sfortunatamente presente nel caso della Libia. Il
governo libico ha rigettato numerosi appelli internazionali, inclusa una
richiesta unanime proveniente da questa Assemblea, e ha risposto al dissenso
con la repressione, alla protesta civile con la forza militare, su una scala
senza precedenti.
Il mondo non poteva assistere senza reagire alle molte vittime e alle
distruzioni massicce inflitte dal leader libico alla sua stessa popolazione. La
responsabilità di proteggere ricade sulle Nazioni Unite, e del resto il
Capitolo VII della Carta contempla specificamente l'uso della forza per
mantenere la pace e la sicurezza internazionale.
In Libia siamo per l'appunto impegnati a proteggere la popolazione civile e a
fare rispettare la Carta delle Nazioni Unite, agendo nella piena legittimità
internazionale conferita dalla Risoluzione n. 1973 approvata lo scorso 17 marzo
dal Consiglio di Sicurezza.
Non sottovalutiamo nel modo più assoluto i costi umani e i rischi delle azioni
militari. Nelle missioni internazionali all'estero l'Italia ha pagato un alto
prezzo in termini di vite umane e di sofferenza. Tuttavia, come ho avuto modo
di affermare a Ginevra parlando al Consiglio per i Diritti Umani lo scorso 4
marzo, la protezione giuridica internazionale dei Diritti Umani è al centro del
sistema delle Nazioni Unite, come testimonia la Dichiarazione Universale dei
Diritti Umani del 1948. Essa è sempre più importante per tutti gli Stati
membri, senza eccezione. I Diritti Umani sono divenuti progressivamente una
pietra angolare delle relazioni internazionali. Di conseguenza, violazioni
massicce dei Diritti Umani rendono un regime illegittimo e lo pongono al di
fuori della comunità degli Stati.
Si tratta di una nozione cruciale, che si sta sempre più affermando, come e'
dimostrato anche dall'approvazione della Risoluzione 1973. Questo non significa
pretendere di esportare uno specifico modello di democrazia, bensì promuovere e
proteggere i diritti fondamentali, civili e politici, e le libertà religiose,
come precondizione per l'autonoma realizzazione, dal basso e con modalità
diverse per ogni singolo Paese, di sistemi democratici.
La Libia appartiene ad una regione che sta affrontando un profondo cambiamento,
che ha preso origine da principî comuni, principî di giustizia e progresso, di
tolleranza e di dignità per ogni essere umano, come affermato dal Presidente
Obama nel suo discorso al Cairo del giugno 2009. Noi tutti condividiamo questi
medesimi valori. Recentemente riaffermati dalla Lega Araba, essi sono divenuti
un faro per la trasformazione in atto nel Mediterraneo.
Il 17 marzo l'Italia ha celebrato il 150° anniversario della propria Unità
nazionale.
Siamo un'antica Nazione ma uno Stato giovane, divenuto Repubblica proprio
mentre le Nazioni Unite nascevano.
"Per due volte nell'arco della nostra generazione il flagello della guerra
ha recato indicibili sofferenze all'Umanità", recita il Preambolo della
Carta delle Nazioni Unite. In quegli stessi anni l'Italia ha abbracciato la
democrazia internamente e aderito a un ordine internazionale multilaterale, due
facce della stessa medaglia. L'Italia ha adottato il multilateralismo con
entusiasmo: i due punti fermi della posizione dell'Italia nelle relazioni
internazionali sono stati e sono la creazione ed il rafforzamento della
Comunità Europea e l'adesione all'Alleanza Atlantica. Le Nazioni Unite
incarnano la medesima scelta multilateralista su scala globale: il rispetto dei
diritti e della dignità di ogni persona umana e l'eguale status di tutte le
Nazioni, grandi e piccole, ne fanno una Organizzazione veramente universale.
Negli anni in cui venivano fondate le Nazioni Unite, l'Italia ha adottato la
propria Costituzione, la quale "ripudia la guerra come strumento di offesa
alla libertà degli altri popoli e come mezzo di risoluzione delle controversie
internazionali; consente, in condizioni di parità con gli altri Stati, alle
limitazioni di sovranità necessarie ad un ordinamento che assicuri la pace e la
giustizia fra le Nazioni; promuove e favorisce le organizzazioni internazionali
rivolte a tale scopo".
Questi ideali, fissati nei principî fondamentali della Repubblica, hanno
ispirato l'azione internazionale del mio Paese nel corso di più di sessant'anni
di vita delle Nazioni Unite e in particolare il nostro fattivo contributo alla
costruzione delle Istituzioni europee sovranazionali.
Signor Presidente,
all'alba del nuovo millennio le Nazioni Unite devono confrontarsi con sfide
vecchie e nuove. Mentre rimangono di fondamentale importanza il perseguimento
della pace e della sicurezza, la difesa dei diritti umani e la promozione di
uno sviluppo sostenibile, il mondo sta diventando sempre più complesso e ricco
di contraddizioni. Per un verso, la cooperazione internazionale ha avuto
successo nello sconfiggere la povertà assoluta e la miseria di una parte
significativa dell'umanità. Sfortunatamente, tuttavia, a partire dal 2008, la
grave crisi finanziaria ha messo in luce i drammatici squilibrî dell'economia e
della finanza internazionali. Il collasso di poco evitato del sistema bancario
e l'evidente necessità di un intervento pubblico hanno portato ad un accumulo
senza precedenti di debito sovrano in molti Paesi.
La finanza e gli strumenti finanziarî si evolvono velocemente, troppo
velocemente per consentire agli Stati di reagire in tempo utile.
Non si tratta di un fallimento della globalizzazione, ma piuttosto del governo
internazionale dell'economia. Per milioni di persone la globalizzazione ha
rappresentato un potente motore di crescita e di benessere. Penso ai contadini
in regioni remote, i quali possono godere di più accettabili condizioni di vita
grazie a migliori tecniche di produzione o a nuove modalità di commercio
affidate ai telefoni cellulari o ad Internet. D'altro canto, naturalmente,
anche i problemi si sono globalizzati, al punto che gli Stati sovrani non sono
più in grado di affrontarli su base nazionale. La globalizzazione dei problemi
richiede la globalizzazione delle soluzioni.
In campo economico, questo è un mondo ormai trasformato rispetto a quello di
Bretton Woods. Il sistema basato sulla parità aurea è tramontato. Dopo la
rivoluzione digitale, premendo il tasto di un computer è possibile trasferire
un quantità illimitata di denaro, anche virtuale, scommettendo su quotazioni
future. L'economia virtuale dà a volte l'impressione di avere la meglio su
quella reale, così come le speculazioni finanziarie sembrano sopravanzare la
produzione ed il lavoro. Gli strumenti finanziarî hanno indubbiamente agevolato
il credito. Essi hanno tuttavia generato anche una eccessiva fiducia nella
sostenibilità dell'indebitamento delle famiglie, che è una delle cause della
crisi internazionale del 2008. La crisi ha avuto probabilmente come suo
principale fattore l'indebolimento delle vecchie autorità di regolazione dei
mercati e il ritardo, se non la riluttanza, nel definire nuove regole e le
relative Istituzioni.
E' in questa direzione che il SG Ban Ki Moon incita indefessamente le Nazioni
Unite a far avanzare la loro agenda.
La stabilità mondiale è minacciata anche da disastri naturali, profondi
cambiamenti, sconvolgimenti politici.
A partire dal 2004 una sequenza senza precedenti di tsunami, terremoti,
inondazioni, siccità, incendi hanno provocato gravi sofferenze e lutti, costando
la vita a centinaia di migliaia di persone.
Consentitemi di cogliere questa opportunità per rinnovare la mia solidarietà al
popolo giapponese per le sofferenze ad esso inflitte dal devastante tsunami e
la mia ammirazione per la sua forza d'animo. E' tempo che la comunità
internazionale ricambi la generosità che il Giappone non ha mai mancato di
dimostrare in simili avversità.
Determinati sconvolgimenti politici possono essere spiegati come una
conseguenza positiva della globalizzazione che ha fatto sentire ciascuno
cittadino di un mondo più ampio. Sta per tramontare l'èra dei regimi che
nascondono la verità, limitano il movimento delle persone e fanno ricorso a
menzogne, alla corruzione e a false rappresentazioni del mondo esterno. Non è
più tempo per riforme cosmetiche e limitate. E' in gioco il rapporto tra il
cittadino e lo Stato, il cosiddetto contratto sociale. Il mondo ha una chiara
responsabilità non solo nell'aiutare questa nuova alba a divenire una realtà ma
anche nell'intervenire ovunque dittature, violenze e oscurantismo tentino di
contrastare il nuovo. La comunità internazionale deve fare propria la domanda
di libertà, giustizia, e più eque opportunità che sale da società così a lungo
mantenute sotto il giogo della violenza e dell'oppressione.
La stabilità e le libertà democratiche non sono tra loro alternative. Al
contrario, esse si rafforzano a vicenda.
Nessun Paese può procedere da solo. Queste sfide devono essere affrontate sulla
base della legittimità internazionale. La governance di un mondo complesso ed
interconnesso potrebbe e dovrebbe essere sviluppata in vario modo, attraverso
istituzioni nuove e riformate, in maniera da ottenere la massima efficienza ed
efficacia possibili. Resta il fatto che la base politica e giuridica deve sempre
essere incardinata nelle Nazioni Unite. Sono consapevole del dibattito
attualmente in corso sulla necessità di una maggiore cooperazione tra le
Nazioni Unite e la nuove forme di governance internazionale che questa
Assemblea Generale ha avviato con spirito costruttivo. A questo riguardo
desidero rendere omaggio al Presidente Deiss per la sua determinazione a
promuovere tale dialogo.
La questione della governance globale va al cuore del sistema delle Nazioni
Unite, chiamate a rapportarsi a cambiamenti significativi. Nuovi attori globali
sono emersi sulla scena internazionale; altri seguiranno le impronte dei primi.
La legittimità dell'organizzazione è incardinata nell'universale principio di
uguaglianza tra i suoi Stati membri. Questa Assemblea ne è la massima
espressione.
La Carta fu il risultato di uno spirito di compromesso, di tolleranza, di
apertura e di rispetto per le posizioni e gli interessi degli altri,
quell'attitudine al dialogo e alla ricerca del consenso che fu espressa
mirabilmente dal Mahatma Gandhi: "ma durante tutta la mia vita l'insistere
sulla verità mi ha portato ad apprezzare la beltà del compromesso".
Al fine di rafforzare il mantenimento della Pace e della sicurezza a livello
internazionale, qualsiasi ipotesi di riforma del Consiglio di Sicurezza
dovrebbe permettere a quest'ultimo di divenire più rappresentativo, efficiente
e responsabile nei confronti degli Stati membri.
Abbiamo bisogno di raggiungere un consenso, molto più che per ogni altra parte
della Carta. Noi tutti condividiamo l'obbiettivo della governance
internazionale, la pace e la sicurezza. Tutti gli Stati membri devono potersi
riconoscere nella riforma del Consiglio di Sicurezza.
Signor Presidente,
l'Europa è in prima linea davanti alle sfide odierne. La scorsa settimana i
Capi di Stato e di Governo dell'Unione Europea hanno compiuto passi
significativi verso la razionalizzazione ed il rafforzamento della disciplina
economica e monetaria nell'eurozona. Essi hanno riaffermato l'impegno a
costruire una partnership per la sicurezza e lo sviluppo del Mediterraneo.
Dall'avvio del processo di integrazione l'Europa vive in pace, da più di
sessant'anni, per la prima volta nella storia. Si è estesa dai sei membri
originari fino a ricomprenderne 27. Coopera con le Nazioni Unite nel
mantenimento della pace e della sicurezza internazionale. Ha una moneta comune.
Ha istituito uno spazio unico in cui circolare e commerciare liberamente.
Abbiamo oggi bisogno di più Europa. Con il Trattato di Lisbona, l'Unione
Europea ha compiuto passi in avanti sul cammino del rafforzamento delle
Istituzioni e delle responsabilità del Parlamento. Le circostanze attuali
impongono più integrazioni ed una maggiore condivisione di sovranità
specialmente nel settore della politica economica e monetaria. Per noi europei
questa è un'assoluta necessità: non è possibile alcuna marcia indietro dalla
moneta unica che 17 Stati membri liberamente hanno scelto di condividere.
La solidità dell'Euro è vitale per l'economia mondiale. Come statuito dal
recente Consiglio Europeo, siamo pronti a prendere tutte le misure necessarie.
Il rafforzamento della moneta unica richiede più integrazione; a sua volta esso
costituirà il motore per ulteriori progressi verso l'affermazione di una voce
europea unitaria negli affari mondiali, in particolar modo nella politica
estera e di sicurezza comune.
Le scelte dell'Europa hanno le proprie radici nella storia, si sono sviluppate
a riparazione di tragici errori, sono state costantemente sostenute dagli Stati
Uniti e dalla sicurezza garantita dall'Alleanza Atlantica. Nell'universalità
delle Nazioni Unite, il modello europeo non pretende di essere adatto a tutti.
Tuttavia, ottenendo un successo al di là di ogni realistica aspettativa,
l'Unione Europea è riuscita ad incarnare i benefici ed il valore aggiunto del
multilateralismo e della cooperazione internazionale. Dobbiamo essere
orgogliosi del nostro percorso dalle ceneri e dalle rovine ad una prospera
unione di popoli e di governi. Quello che noi abbiamo ottenuto in Europa in
termini di pace, stabilità, prosperità e giustizia, è proprio quanto la Carta
delle Nazioni Unite rappresenta nel mondo.
L'Italia non ha mai vacillato nel suo sostegno alle Nazioni Unite, foro di
massima legittimità per la promozione dei valori fondamentali dell'umanità.
Nazioni Unite forti e autorevoli sono nel precipuo interesse della Comunità
internazionale.
Sesto contributore al bilancio ordinario e alle operazioni di peacekeeping,
l'Italia schiera un maggior numero di caschi blu di ogni altro Paese europeo.
Non soltanto sosteniamo finanziariamente le missioni delle Nazioni Unite, ma
forniamo anche le risorse umane, l'equipaggiamento, le capacità necessarî per
attuare le risoluzioni del Consiglio di Sicurezza.
Nei contesti post-bellici Nazioni, popolazioni, donne e bambini ripongono le
loro speranze per un futuro migliore nella bandiera delle Nazioni Unite.
Le loro aspettative devono essere soddisfatte.
Ottomila donne e uomini italiani in uniforme al servizio di operazioni di pace
delle Nazioni Unite o autorizzate dalle Nazioni Unite; la base logistica di
Brindisi; il recente accordo di cooperazione tra l'Arma dei Carabinieri e
l'Organizzazione per l'addestramento dei caschi blu: questa è la risposta
dell'Italia per sostenere le Nazioni Unite nel compimento della loro missione.
La nostra lunga, qualificata e generosa storia di partecipazione alle missioni
delle Nazioni Unite include il sacrificio supremo di nostri caschi blu.
Permettetemi ora di soffermarmi brevemente su alcune tematiche che
stanno particolarmente a cuore all'Italia. La nostra contrarietà alla pena di
morte scaturisce da una solida ed antica convinzione sull'inviolabilità del
diritto alla vita. Nel 1700 il filosofo italiano Cesare Beccaria pose una
semplice domanda: "qualcuno ha mai dato ad altri il diritto di porre
termine alla sua vita?" La storica risoluzione dell'Assemblea Generale del
2007 per una moratoria sulle esecuzioni capitali ha avuto un ulteriore
rafforzamento nel 2008 e 2009.
L'Italia è fiduciosa nel sostegno della società civile e nella crescente
condivisione degli Stati membri circa l'abolizione della pena capitale.
Vogliamo portare all'attenzione del mondo la drammatica condizione dei bambini
nei conflitti armati Sosteniamo un progetto di addestramento per i caschi blu
che dovranno far fronte a tale situazione sul terreno.
Ci siamo impegnati ad eliminare tutte le forme di violenza contro le donne e in
particolare alla pratica della mutilazione genitale femminile.
Nel solco delle parole del Presidente Truman a San Francisco "ogni progresso
comincia con divergenze di opinioni e si sviluppa quando le divergenze vengono
superate attraverso la ragione e la reciproca convinzione", l'Italia
continuerà a chiedere alle Nazioni Unite di essere in prima linea nelle
prevenzione del genocidio, la lotta contro ogni forma di discriminazione, la
difesa delle minoranze e la protezione delle minoranze religiose.
Grazie.
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 28, 2011
Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on Libya
National Defense University
Washington, D.C.
7:31 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Tonight, I’d like to update the
American people on the international effort that we have led in Libya –- what
we’ve done, what we plan to do, and why this matters to us.
I want to begin by paying tribute to our men and women in uniform who, once again, have acted with courage, professionalism and patriotism. They have moved with incredible speed and strength. Because of them and our dedicated diplomats, a coalition has been forged and countless lives have been saved.
Meanwhile, as we speak, our troops are supporting our ally Japan, leaving Iraq to its people, stopping the Taliban’s momentum in Afghanistan, and going after al Qaeda all across the globe. As Commander-in-Chief, I’m grateful to our soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines, Coast Guardsmen, and to their families. And I know all Americans share in that sentiment.
For generations, the United States of America has played a unique role as an anchor of global security and as an advocate for human freedom. Mindful of the risks and costs of military action, we are naturally reluctant to use force to solve the world’s many challenges. But when our interests and values are at stake, we have a responsibility to act. That’s what happened in Libya over the course of these last six weeks.
Libya sits directly between Tunisia and Egypt -– two nations that inspired the world when their people rose up to take control of their own destiny. For more than four decades, the Libyan people have been ruled by a tyrant -– Muammar Qaddafi. He has denied his people freedom, exploited their wealth, murdered opponents at home and abroad, and terrorized innocent people around the world –- including Americans who were killed by Libyan agents.
Last month, Qaddafi’s grip of fear appeared to give way to the promise of freedom. In cities and towns across the country, Libyans took to the streets to claim their basic human rights. As one Libyan said, “For the first time we finally have hope that our nightmare of 40 years will soon be over.”
Faced with this opposition, Qaddafi began attacking his people. As President, my immediate concern was the safety of our citizens, so we evacuated our embassy and all Americans who sought our assistance. Then we took a series of swift steps in a matter of days to answer Qaddafi’s aggression. We froze more than $33 billion of Qaddafi’s regime’s assets. Joining with other nations at the United Nations Security Council, we broadened our sanctions, imposed an arms embargo, and enabled Qaddafi and those around him to be held accountable for their crimes. I made it clear that Qaddafi had lost the confidence of his people and the legitimacy to lead, and I said that he needed to step down from power.
In the face of the world’s condemnation, Qaddafi chose to escalate his attacks, launching a military campaign against the Libyan people. Innocent people were targeted for killing. Hospitals and ambulances were attacked. Journalists were arrested, sexually assaulted, and killed. Supplies of food and fuel were choked off. Water for hundreds of thousands of people in Misurata was shut off. Cities and towns were shelled, mosques were destroyed, and apartment buildings reduced to rubble. Military jets and helicopter gunships were unleashed upon people who had no means to defend themselves against assaults from the air.
Confronted by this brutal repression and a looming humanitarian crisis, I ordered warships into the Mediterranean. European allies declared their willingness to commit resources to stop the killing. The Libyan opposition and the Arab League appealed to the world to save lives in Libya. And so at my direction, America led an effort with our allies at the United Nations Security Council to pass a historic resolution that authorized a no-fly zone to stop the regime’s attacks from the air, and further authorized all necessary measures to protect the Libyan people.
Ten days ago, having tried to end the violence without using force, the international community offered Qaddafi a final chance to stop his campaign of killing, or face the consequences. Rather than stand down, his forces continued their advance, bearing down on the city of Benghazi, home to nearly 700,000 men, women and children who sought their freedom from fear.
At this point, the United States and the world faced a choice. Qaddafi declared he would show “no mercy” to his own people. He compared them to rats, and threatened to go door to door to inflict punishment. In the past, we have seen him hang civilians in the streets, and kill over a thousand people in a single day. Now we saw regime forces on the outskirts of the city. We knew that if we wanted -- if we waited one more day, Benghazi, a city nearly the size of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the world.
It was not in our national interest to let that happen. I refused to let that happen. And so nine days ago, after consulting the bipartisan leadership of Congress, I authorized military action to stop the killing and enforce U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973.
We struck regime forces approaching Benghazi to save that city and the people within it. We hit Qaddafi’s troops in neighboring Ajdabiya, allowing the opposition to drive them out. We hit Qaddafi’s air defenses, which paved the way for a no-fly zone. We targeted tanks and military assets that had been choking off towns and cities, and we cut off much of their source of supply. And tonight, I can report that we have stopped Qaddafi’s deadly advance.
In this effort, the United States has not acted alone. Instead, we have been joined by a strong and growing coalition. This includes our closest allies -– nations like the United Kingdom, France, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Italy, Spain, Greece, and Turkey –- all of whom have fought by our sides for decades. And it includes Arab partners like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, who have chosen to meet their responsibilities to defend the Libyan people.
To summarize, then: In just one month, the United States has worked with our international partners to mobilize a broad coalition, secure an international mandate to protect civilians, stop an advancing army, prevent a massacre, and establish a no-fly zone with our allies and partners. To lend some perspective on how rapidly this military and diplomatic response came together, when people were being brutalized in Bosnia in the 1990s, it took the international community more than a year to intervene with air power to protect civilians. It took us 31 days.
Moreover, we’ve accomplished these objectives consistent with the pledge that I made to the American people at the outset of our military operations. I said that America’s role would be limited; that we would not put ground troops into Libya; that we would focus our unique capabilities on the front end of the operation and that we would transfer responsibility to our allies and partners. Tonight, we are fulfilling that pledge.
Our most effective alliance, NATO, has taken command of the enforcement of the arms embargo and the no-fly zone. Last night, NATO decided to take on the additional responsibility of protecting Libyan civilians. This transfer from the United States to NATO will take place on Wednesday. Going forward, the lead in enforcing the no-fly zone and protecting civilians on the ground will transition to our allies and partners, and I am fully confident that our coalition will keep the pressure on Qaddafi’s remaining forces.
In that effort, the United States will play a supporting role -- including intelligence, logistical support, search and rescue assistance, and capabilities to jam regime communications. Because of this transition to a broader, NATO-based coalition, the risk and cost of this operation -- to our military and to American taxpayers -- will be reduced significantly.
So for those who doubted our capacity to carry out this operation, I want to be clear: The United States of America has done what we said we would do.
That’s not to say that our work is complete. In addition to our NATO responsibilities, we will work with the international community to provide assistance to the people of Libya, who need food for the hungry and medical care for the wounded. We will safeguard the more than $33 billion that was frozen from the Qaddafi regime so that it’s available to rebuild Libya. After all, the money doesn’t belong to Qaddafi or to us -- it belongs to the Libyan people. And we’ll make sure they receive it.
Tomorrow, Secretary Clinton will go to London, where she will meet with the Libyan opposition and consult with more than 30 nations. These discussions will focus on what kind of political effort is necessary to pressure Qaddafi, while also supporting a transition to the future that the Libyan people deserve -- because while our military mission is narrowly focused on saving lives, we continue to pursue the broader goal of a Libya that belongs not to a dictator, but to its people.
Now, despite the success of our efforts over the past week, I know that some Americans continue to have questions about our efforts in Libya. Qaddafi has not yet stepped down from power, and until he does, Libya will remain dangerous. Moreover, even after Qaddafi does leave power, 40 years of tyranny has left Libya fractured and without strong civil institutions. The transition to a legitimate government that is responsive to the Libyan people will be a difficult task. And while the United States will do our part to help, it will be a task for the international community and –- more importantly –- a task for the Libyan people themselves.
In fact, much of the debate in Washington has put forward a false choice when it comes to Libya. On the one hand, some question why America should intervene at all -– even in limited ways –- in this distant land. They argue that there are many places in the world where innocent civilians face brutal violence at the hands of their government, and America should not be expected to police the world, particularly when we have so many pressing needs here at home.
It’s true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on behalf of what’s right. In this particular country -– Libya -- at this particular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrific scale. We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab countries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves. We also had the ability to stop Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks without putting American troops on the ground.
To brush aside America’s responsibility as a leader and -– more profoundly -– our responsibilities to our fellow human beings under such circumstances would have been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turn a blind eye to atrocities in other countries. The United States of America is different. And as President, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action.
Moreover, America has an important strategic interest in preventing Qaddafi from overrunning those who oppose him. A massacre would have driven thousands of additional refugees across Libya’s borders, putting enormous strains on the peaceful –- yet fragile -– transitions in Egypt and Tunisia. The democratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed by the darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violence is the best strategy to cling to power. The writ of the United Nations Security Council would have been shown to be little more than empty words, crippling that institution’s future credibility to uphold global peace and security. So while I will never minimize the costs involved in military action, I am convinced that a failure to act in Libya would have carried a far greater price for America.
Now, just as there are those who have argued against intervention in Libya, there are others who have suggested that we broaden our military mission beyond the task of protecting the Libyan people, and do whatever it takes to bring down Qaddafi and usher in a new government.
Of course, there is no question that Libya -– and the world –- would be better off with Qaddafi out of power. I, along with many other world leaders, have embraced that goal, and will actively pursue it through non-military means. But broadening our military mission to include regime change would be a mistake.
The task that I assigned our forces -– to protect the Libyan people from immediate danger, and to establish a no-fly zone -– carries with it a U.N. mandate and international support. It’s also what the Libyan opposition asked us to do. If we tried to overthrow Qaddafi by force, our coalition would splinter. We would likely have to put U.S. troops on the ground to accomplish that mission, or risk killing many civilians from the air. The dangers faced by our men and women in uniform would be far greater. So would the costs and our share of the responsibility for what comes next.
To be blunt, we went down that road in Iraq. Thanks to the extraordinary sacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we are hopeful about Iraq’s future. But regime change there took eight years, thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That is not something we can afford to repeat in Libya.
As the bulk of our military effort ratchets down, what we can do -- and will do -- is support the aspirations of the Libyan people. We have intervened to stop a massacre, and we will work with our allies and partners to maintain the safety of civilians. We will deny the regime arms, cut off its supplies of cash, assist the opposition, and work with other nations to hasten the day when Qaddafi leaves power. It may not happen overnight, as a badly weakened Qaddafi tries desperately to hang on to power. But it should be clear to those around Qaddafi, and to every Libyan, that history is not on Qaddafi’s side. With the time and space that we have provided for the Libyan people, they will be able to determine their own destiny, and that is how it should be.
Let me close by addressing what this action says about the use of America’s military power, and America’s broader leadership in the world, under my presidency.
As Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than keeping this country safe. And no decision weighs on me more than when to deploy our men and women in uniform. I’ve made it clear that I will never hesitate to use our military swiftly, decisively, and unilaterally when necessary to defend our people, our homeland, our allies and our core interests. That's why we’re going after al Qaeda wherever they seek a foothold. That is why we continue to fight in Afghanistan, even as we have ended our combat mission in Iraq and removed more than 100,000 troops from that country.
There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, but our interests and our values are. Sometimes, the course of history poses challenges that threaten our common humanity and our common security -– responding to natural disasters, for example; or preventing genocide and keeping the peace; ensuring regional security, and maintaining the flow of commerce. These may not be America’s problems alone, but they are important to us. They’re problems worth solving. And in these circumstances, we know that the United States, as the world’s most powerful nation, will often be called upon to help.
In such cases, we should not be afraid to act -– but the burden of action should not be America’s alone. As we have in Libya, our task is instead to mobilize the international community for collective action. Because contrary to the claims of some, American leadership is not simply a matter of going it alone and bearing all of the burden ourselves. Real leadership creates the conditions and coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies and partners so that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of the costs; and to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheld by all.
That’s the kind of leadership we’ve shown in Libya. Of course, even when we act as part of a coalition, the risks of any military action will be high. Those risks were realized when one of our planes malfunctioned over Libya. Yet when one of our airmen parachuted to the ground, in a country whose leader has so often demonized the United States –- in a region that has such a difficult history with our country –- this American did not find enemies. Instead, he was met by people who embraced him. One young Libyan who came to his aid said, “We are your friends. We are so grateful to those men who are protecting the skies.”
This voice is just one of many in a region where a new generation is refusing to be denied their rights and opportunities any longer.
Yes, this change will make the world more complicated for a time. Progress will be uneven, and change will come differently to different countries. There are places, like Egypt, where this change will inspire us and raise our hopes. And then there will be places, like Iran, where change is fiercely suppressed. The dark forces of civil conflict and sectarian war will have to be averted, and difficult political and economic concerns will have to be addressed.
The United States will not be able to dictate the pace and scope of this change. Only the people of the region can do that. But we can make a difference.
I believe that this movement of change cannot be turned back, and that we must stand alongside those who believe in the same core principles that have guided us through many storms: our opposition to violence directed at one’s own people; our support for a set of universal rights, including the freedom for people to express themselves and choose their leaders; our support for governments that are ultimately responsive to the aspirations of the people.
Born, as we are, out of a revolution by those who longed to be free, we welcome the fact that history is on the move in the Middle East and North Africa, and that young people are leading the way. Because wherever people long to be free, they will find a friend in the United States. Ultimately, it is that faith -- those ideals -- that are the true measure of American leadership.
My fellow Americans, I know that at a time of upheaval overseas -- when the news is filled with conflict and change -- it can be tempting to turn away from the world. And as I’ve said before, our strength abroad is anchored in our strength here at home. That must always be our North Star -- the ability of our people to reach their potential, to make wise choices with our resources, to enlarge the prosperity that serves as a wellspring for our power, and to live the values that we hold so dear.
But let us also remember that for generations, we have done the hard work of protecting our own people, as well as millions around the globe. We have done so because we know that our own future is safer, our own future is brighter, if more of mankind can live with the bright light of freedom and dignity.
Tonight, let us give thanks for the Americans who are serving through these trying times, and the coalition that is carrying our effort forward. And let us look to the future with confidence and hope not only for our own country, but for all those yearning for freedom around the world.
Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. (Applause.) Thank you.
END 7:58 P.M. EDT
Libya: Joint statement by UK Prime Minister and French President
28 March 2011
Prime Minister David Cameron and Nicolas Sarkozy have issued a statement on the situation in Libya ahead of the London Conference on Libya on 29 March.
"Tomorrow in London, the international community will come together to support a new beginning for Libya. A new beginning in which the people of Libya are free from violence and oppression, free to choose their own future.
The world has witnessed momentous events over the last ten days. Following an appeal by the Arab League to take action to protect the people of Libya, on 17 March the United Nations Security Council passed an historic resolution to protect civilians from the violence unleashed by Qadhafi’s war machine.
Two days later, the Paris Summit emphasized the determination of the participants to act collectively and resolutely to give full effect to UNSCR 1973.
The same day, a coalition of countries took action to help break the siege of Benghazi and drive back Qadhafi’s forces. Hundreds of thousands of people have been rescued from the brink of humanitarian disaster.
Our countries are resolved to continue to enforce UNSCR 1973 to protect the people of Libya. More countries from Europe and the Arab world are joining us. It is only when the civilian population are safe and secure from the threat of attack and the objectives of UNSCR 1973 are met that military operations will come to an end.
We emphasize that we do not envisage any military occupation of Libya, which would be contrary to the terms of the Resolution. We reaffirm our strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya.
Military action is not an objective as such. A lasting solution can only be a political one that belongs to the Libyan people. That is why the political process that will begin tomorrow in London is so important. The London conference will bring the international community together to support Libya’s transition from violent dictatorship and to help create the conditions where the people of Libya can choose their own future.
In the words of the Arab League resolution, the current regime has completely lost its legitimacy. Qadhafi must therefore go immediately. We call on all his followers to leave him before it is too late. We call on all Libyans who believe that Qadhafi is leading Libya into a disaster to take the initiative now to organize a transition process.
In our view, this could include the Interim National Transitional Council, the pioneering role of which we recognize, the civil society leaders as well as all those prepared to join the process of transition to democracy. We encourage them to begin a national political dialogue, leading to a representative process of transition, constitutional reform and preparation for free and fair elections.
To help Libya make this transition, we are today also calling on all the participants at the London conference to give their strong support.
We have averted a humanitarian disaster but Libya still faces a humanitarian crisis. In London, our countries will come together with the United Nations, the European Union, the African Union, NATO and the Arab League to consider how we can bring urgent relief now, and how we can support the needs of the people of Libya in the future.
In the last few weeks, the Libyan people have demonstrated their courage and their determination. Like all other peoples, they have the right freely to choose their leaders.
We must unite to help them make a new beginning."
A Vision of a Democratic Libya
The political and international affairs committee of Libya's interim national council presents its eight-point plan for the country
- The interim national council
- guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 29 March 2011 15.00 BST
- Article history
The interim national council, formed by opposition groups in Libya, has said it will hold free and fair elections and draft a national constitution. Here is its eight-point plan in full.
The interim national council hereby presents its vision for rebuilding the democratic state of Libya. This vision responds to the needs and aspirations of our people, while incorporating the historical changes brought about by the 17 February revolution.
We have learnt from the struggles of our past during the dark days of dictatorship that there is no alternative to building a free and democratic society and ensuring the supremacy of international humanitarian law and human rights declarations. This can only be achieved through dialogue, tolerance, co-operation, national cohesiveness and the active participation of all citizens. As we are familiar with being ruled by the authoritarian dictatorship of one man, the political authority that we seek must represent the free will of the people, without exclusion or suppression of any voice.
The lessons of our past will outline our social contract through the need to respect the interests of all groups and classes that comprise the fabric of our society and not compromise the interests of one at the expense of the other. It is this social contract that must lead us to a civil society that recognises intellectual and political pluralism and allows for the peaceful transfer of power through legal institutions and ballot boxes; in accordance with a national constitution crafted by the people and endorsed in a referendum.
To that end, we will outline our aspirations for a modern, free and united state, following the defeat of the illegal Gaddafi regime. The interim national council will be guided by the following in our continuing march to freedom, through espousing the principles of political democracy. We recognise without reservation our obligation to:
1. Draft a national constitution that clearly defines its nature, essence and purpose and establishes legal, political, civil, legislative, executive and judicial institutions. The constitution will also clarify the rights and obligations of citizens in a transparent manner, thus separating and balancing the three branches of legislative, executive and judicial powers.
2. Form political organisations and civil institutions including the formation of political parties, popular organisations, unions, societies and other civil and peaceful associations.
3. Maintain a constitutional civil and free state by upholding intellectual and political pluralism and the peaceful transfer of power, opening the way for genuine political participation, without discrimination.
4. Guarantee every Libyan citizen, of statutory age, the right to vote in free and fair parliamentary and presidential elections, as well as the right to run for office.
5. Guarantee and respect the freedom of expression through media, peaceful protests, demonstrations and sit-ins and other means of communication, in accordance with the constitution and its laws in a way that protects public security and social peace.
7. Political democracy and the values of social justice, which include:
a. The nation's economy to be used for the benefit of the Libyan people by creating effective economic institutions in order to eradicate poverty and unemployment – working towards a healthy society, a green environment and a prosperous economy.
b. The development of genuine economic partnerships between a strong and productive public sector, a free private sector and a supportive and effective civil society, which overstands corruption and waste.
c. Support the use of science and technology for the betterment of society, through investments in education, research and development, thus enabling the encouragement of an innovative culture and enhancing the spirit of creativity. Focus on emphasising individual rights in a way that guarantees social freedoms that were denied to the Libyan people during the rule of dictatorship. In addition to building efficient public and private institutions and funds for social care, integration and solidarity, the state will guarantee the rights and empowerment of women in all legal, political, economic and cultural spheres.
d. A constitutional civil state which respects the sanctity of religious doctrine and condemns intolerance, extremism and violence that are manufactured by certain political, social or economic interests. The state to which we aspire will denounce violence, terrorism, intolerance and cultural isolation; while respecting human rights, rules and principles of citizenship and the rights of minorities and those most vulnerable. Every individual will enjoy the full rights of citizenship, regardless of colour, gender, ethnicity or social status.
8. Build a democratic Libya whose international and regional relationships will be based upon:
a. The embodiment of democratic values and institutions which respects its neighbours, builds partnerships and recognises the independence and sovereignty of other nations. The state will also seek to enhance regional integration and international co-operation through its participation with members of the international community in achieving international peace and security.
b. A state which will uphold the values of international justice, citizenship, the respect of international humanitarian law and human rights declarations, as well as condemning authoritarian and despotic regimes. The interests and rights of foreign nationals and companies will be protected. Immigration, residency and citizenship will be managed by government institutions, respecting the principles and rights of political asylum and public liberties.
c. A state which will join the international community in rejecting and denouncing racism, discrimination and terrorism while strongly supporting peace, democracy and freedom.
Prime Minister opens London Conference on Libya
29 March 2011
Prime Minister David Cameron opened the conference with a speech setting out the objectives of the conference.
Let me welcome you all
to London.
Foreign Ministers from more than 40 countries…
…from America to Asia…
…from Europe to Africa…
…from the United Nations to the Arab world…
…all here to unite with one purpose: to help the Libyan people in their hour of need.
Today is about a new beginning for Libya – a future in which the people of Libya can determine their own destiny, free from violence and oppression.
But the Libyan people cannot reach that future on their own.
They require three things of us.
First, we must reaffirm our commitment to UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973 and the broad alliance determined to implement it.
Second, we must ensure the delivery of humanitarian aid where it is needed, including to newly liberated towns.
And third, we must help the Libyan people plan for their future after the conflict is over.
These are the three goals of this London Conference.Let me take each in turn.
Reaffirming our commitment to the UNSCRs
First, UN Security Council Resolution 1973.
Just twelve days ago, following an appeal by the Arab League, the United Nations passed an historic resolution to protect the people of Libya from the murderous brutality of Qadhafi’s regime.
At the meeting Nicholas Sarkozy hosted in Paris, we made the right choice: to draw a line in the desert sand, and to halt his murderous advance by force.
Be in no doubt.
Our action saved the city of Benghazi.
It averted a massacre.
And it has given freedom a chance in Libya.
But be in no doubt about something else.
As I speak the people of Misurata are continuing to suffer murderous attacks from the regime.
I have had reports this morning that the city is under attack from both land and sea.
Qadhafi is using snipers to shoot them down and let them bleed to death in the street.
He has cut off food, water and electricity to starve them into submission.
And he is harassing humanitarian ships trying to get into the port to do what they can to relieve their suffering.
He continues to be in flagrant breach of the UN Security Council Resolution.
That is why there has been such widespread support amongst the Libyan people – and in the wider Arab world – for the military action we are taking.
It has saved lives, and it is saving lives.
As one Misurata resident put it: “These strikes give us hope”.
Today we must be clear and unequivocal: we will not take that hope away.
We will continue to implement United Nations Resolutions for as long as is necessary to protect the Libyan people from danger.
Humanitarian Aid
Second, humanitarian aid.
Just as it is essential that the international community works together to stop the slaughter, it’s vital that we get aid in to save lives. This has to happen now.
And it is happening.
Already we are seeing how the actions we have taken are helping to pave the way for humanitarian organisations to return to liberated cities.
Even in Misurata, humanitarian agencies have managed to get some supplies in.
In Benghazi, the ICRC, Islamic Relief and International Medical Corps are back in and are working hard.
In Ajdabiya, thousands of people have fled, but the hospital is reported to be functioning – though it urgently needs more nursing staff and supplies.
So supplies are getting in, but we need to redouble our efforts.
The whole international community needs to work together.
The UN’s has an absolutely critical role in ensuring that humanitarian aid gets through to those who need it, especially in the newly liberated towns.
Building a stable peace
When the fighting is over, we will need to put right the damage that Qadhafi has inflicted.
Repairing the hospitals ruined by shells…
…rebuilding the homes demolished by Qadhafi’s tank rounds…
…and restoring the mosques and minarets smashed by his barbarity.
It’s never too early to start planning co-ordinated action to support peace in Libya over the long term.
It is surely the UN, working with regional organisations and the rest of the international community, who should lead this work.
Repairing physical infrastructure…
…ensuring basic services…
…and helping Libyans restore functioning government at every level.
Planning for the future
Third, we must help the people of Libya plan now for the political future they want to build.
Our military actions can protect the people from attack; and our humanitarian actions can help the people recover. But neither are sufficient to provide the path to greater freedom.
Ultimately, the solution must be a political one – and it must be for the Libyan people themselves to determine their own destiny.
That means reinforcing the UN sanctions to exert the greatest possible pressure on the Qadhafi regime.
And it requires bringing together the widest possible coalition of political leaders…
…including civil society, local leaders and most importantly the Interim Transitional National Council…
…so that the Libyan people can speak with one voice.
Our task in the international community is to support Libya as it looks forward to a better future.
This will not be achieved in a matter of days or weeks.
The coalition of countries and organisations gathered here today must commit to seeing this task through.
I propose that today’s Conference should agree to set up a Contact Group, which will put political effort on a sustained basis into supporting the Libyan people.
We should be clear about the scale of the challenge. It will mean looking afresh at our entire engagement with Libya and the wider region – from our development programmes, to our cultural exchanges and trade arrangements.
All our efforts must support the building blocks of a democratic society.
Freedom of expression
The right to free and fair elections
The right to peaceful protest.
Respect for human rights and the rule of law.
These aren’t values that belong to any one nation.
They are universal.
They are embedded in the Vision of a Democratic Libya set out by the Interim Transitional National Council today.
And we should warmly welcome this commitment.
Conclusion
As this broad range of countries gathers here today in London, there are people suffering terribly under Qadhafi’s rule.
Our message to them is this: there are better days ahead for Libya.
Just as we continue to act to help protect the Libyan people from the brutality of Qadhafi’s regime…
…so we will support and stand by them as they seek to take control of their own destiny.
Their courage and determination will be rewarded.
A new beginning for Libya is within their grasp….
…and we will help them seize it."
Foreign Secretary statement following the London Conference on Libya
29 March 2011
Foreign Secretary William Hague outlines the two key developments from the conference.
"This has been an important day for the future of Libya. We have seen two key developments:
First, Foreign Ministers and leaders from over 40 countries and organisations including the UN, the Arab League, the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, the European Union and NATO, met for the London Conference on Libya.
I will list our key conclusions in a moment, but we have certainly widened and deepened the coalition, with a new pledge of support to NATO operations from Sweden, a growing number of countries committed to implementing the UN Resolutions on Libya, and agreement to a new Contact Group on Libya.
And second, Libya’s Interim Transitional National Council have launched, here in London, their vision for a future Libya that is free, democratic and unified today. We have said throughout that we want the Libyan people to be in the lead in determining their future – and today was a significant milestone in that process.
It comes at a time when the forces of the Qadhafi regime continue to shell Libyan civilians in Misurata, Zintan and Rejban in an indiscriminate and brutal manner, underlining why our efforts to protect Libyan citizens must and will continue.
I have here a copy of a letter we have received today from a member of the local council in Misurata, thanking Britain and the allies for their action to relieve the people of Misurata through targeted strikes and the enforcement of the No Fly Zone and for coming to the aid of the Libyan people, as he puts it, in their “most needy of hours”.
He says, in his own words, that the local council can “testify for the effectiveness and the accuracy of those strikes and confirm that there has been not a single case of civilian injury let alone death in and around Misurata” as a result of coalition activity. He goes on to “salute the men and women in uniform who have put their lives on the line to save the lives of Libyans”, saying that “we are forever grateful”.
My colleague Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Hamed Bin Jassim of Qatar is one of our key allies in implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1973. His country is showing great leadership and commitment both in the skies above Libya and at political gatherings like these, and indeed we welcome the fact that Qatar has agreed to host the first meeting of the new Contact Group on Libya which we agreed to form today. Before I turn over to him, and as Chairman of today’s Conference, I will now set out our conclusions today in more detail.
Implementing UNSCRs 1970 and 1973
Participants today have reaffirmed the importance of full and swift implementation of UNSCRs 1970 and 1973 (2011). Participants reaffirmed their strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya. They have reaffirmed their commitment to enforce the restrictions and sanctions on the regime and to act to prevent the supply and operations of mercenaries. We are working together to ensure that all states implement these Resolutions, of which Qadhafi still stands in breach. We agreed to consider pursuing, in the UN and regional organisations, additional sanctions on individuals and entities associated with the regime. Participants here today are implementing these measures as a clear message to Qadhafi that he cannot attack civilians with impunity.
UNSCR 1973 (2011) authorises all necessary measures to protect civilians and civilian populated areas under threat of attack, while excluding a foreign occupation force of any form. A no-fly zone is in place over Libya and is preventing Qadhafi from attacking civilians from the air. We have a broad based coalition to implement the military actions mandated by UNSCR 1973 (2011). So far, the action we have taken has been successful in protecting countless civilians from Qadhafi’s forces and in effectively wiping out Qadhafi’s air capability. Participants paid tribute to the bravery and professionalism of military personnel from all contributors in the coalition.
Current and potential contributors to military operations, including NATO Allies, also met to underline their commitment to the necessity of military action to implement fully the provisions of UNSCRs 1970 and 1973 (2011). They reaffirmed their unified support for this course of action through making effective and sustained contributions to military operations until the international community’s goals are secured. Participants, including regional states, welcomed NATO's contribution in agreeing to take on command and control of all military operations to enforce the arms embargo, the no-fly zone, and other actions needed, as authorised in UNSCR 1973 (2011), to protect civilians.
Participants here today have reaffirmed their support through military, logistical, financial or humanitarian contributions and pledges in support of the people of Libya. UNSCR 1973 (2011) laid out very clear conditions that must be met, including the establishment of an immediate ceasefire, a halt to all attacks on civilians and full humanitarian access to those in need. Participants agreed to continue their efforts until all conditions are fulfilled. The Libyan regime will be judged by its actions and not its words.
Preparing for Libya’s future
We agreed that it is not for any of the participants here today to choose the government of Libya: only the Libyan people can do that. Participants agreed that Qadhafi and his regime have completely lost legitimacy and will be held accountable for their actions. The Libyan people must be free to determine their own future. Participants recognised the need for all Libyans, including the Interim Transitional National Council, tribal leaders and others, to come together to begin an inclusive political process, consistent with the relevant UNSCRs, through which they can choose their own future. We call on the international community to support this process, working closely with the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative Abdel-Elah Mohamed Al-Khatib. Regional actors, particularly Libya’s fellow African countries and Arab neighbours, have an important role to play.
Participants today are concerned for the wellbeing of up to 80,000 internally displaced persons. We have agreed priorities for a humanitarian response. We have also agreed on the need to develop and coordinate the international approach to ensure the availability of sufficient resources to meet the humanitarian needs of the Libyan people. We noted the offer of Qatar to facilitate the sale of Libyan oil where consistent with international law, in particular the provisions of UNSCRs 1970 and 1973 and other relevant UN resolutions, and to support the people of Libya in using the proceeds to help meet their humanitarian needs. Learning the lessons from the past, we agreed on the need for priorities for long-term support. Activities to stabilise the situation will need to start early and be part of an integrated and comprehensive international response.
Taking forward support from the International community for the people of Libya
To take this work forward, participants of the conference agreed to establish the Libya Contact Group. This Contact Group will meet to: provide leadership and overall political direction to the international effort in close coordination with the UN, AU, Arab League, OIC, and EU to support Libya; provide a forum for coordinating the international response on Libya; and provide a focal point in the international community for contact with the Libyan parties. Qatar has agreed to convene the first meeting of the Group as soon as possible. Thereafter, the chairmanship will rotate between the countries of the region and beyond it. The North Atlantic Council, meeting alongside its coalition partners, will provide the executive political direction to NATO operations. Participants welcomed the UN Secretary-General’s offer to lead the coordination of humanitarian assistance and planning for longer-term stabilisation support. Turkey, other key regional players and international agencies offered to support this work and take it forward with the Contact Group.
So we have achieved a great deal in a very short time to save lives in Libya and to create the space for the Libyan people to begin to determine their future.
Much work remains to be done, and the nations gathered in London today have demonstrated that we have the will, determination and commitment to continue to act for as long as the threat to the people of Libya remains."
Libya conference outcomes: "Clear international support for the people of Libya"
30 March 2011
Foreign Secretary William Hague made a statement to Parliament on the outcome of the London Conference on Libya.
Mr Speaker, with permission I will make a statement to the House on the outcome of the London Conference on Libya and related events.
I informed the House last Thursday that planning was underway to transfer coalition operations from US to NATO command and control. On Sunday NATO allies decided to take on full responsibility for the implementation of all military aspects of Security Council Resolution 1973 including the civilian protection mission along with the no-fly zone and the arms embargo operations which are now under NATO command. The transition to full NATO command is underway. The North Atlantic Council will provide executive political direction for the military operations and is meeting later today. I hope the whole House will welcome the speed at which NATO has moved to put in place the planning and launch of these three demanding operations, more quickly than was the case for Bosnia or Kosovo.
There are currently 16 nations contributing assets to coalition operations, including nations from the middle east region. Fifteen nations have now committed a total of nearly 350 aircraft and vessels from 10 nations are supporting the arms embargo.
Yesterday Sweden announced that it would contribute 8 fighter aircraft. The UAE publicly announced their contribution of 12 air defence fighters on Friday last week. The NATO Secretary General has issued a request for further contributions which we hope other countries will consider seriously.
UK forces have undertaken over 160 aerial missions over Libya since operations began, in addition to missile strikes. We are continuing to target the military hardware that Qadhafi is using to kill his own people. Over the weekend, in addition to patrolling the No Fly Zone, RAF aircraft destroyed a number of main battle tanks and armoured vehicles near Misrata. The RAF also took part in a successful coalition mission against an ammunition storage facility near Sebha early on Monday morning.
As evidence of the care we are taking to minimise the risk of civilian casualties, yesterday I received a letter from the local council in Misrata, thanking Britain and our allies for the targeted strikes and the enforcement of the No Fly Zone which are alleviating pressure on the people of Misrata. The letter stated that the local council can “testify for the effectiveness and the accuracy of those strikes and confirm that there has been not a single case of civilian injury let alone death in and around Misrata” as a result of coalition activity. This is testament to the skill, experience and precision of our Armed Forces and the whole House will join me in paying tribute to them. Our country literally could not do without them for a single day and they are doing a great job in support of the civilian population of Libya.
The situation on the ground remains fluid. Regime forces have intensified their attacks, driving back opposition forces from ground they had taken in recent days. Misrata also came under heavy attack yesterday, with further loss of civilian life, including children, from mortars, sniper fire and attacks on all sides from regime tanks and personnel carriers. DfID have been involved in funding the successful provision of humanitarian assistance to the city and we are urgently examining options for the provision of further assistance. One obstacle to humanitarian support for the people of Misrata has been regime vessels trying to blockade the port. These vessels were attacked by coalition aircraft yesterday. Four of them were sunk and one vessel was beached.
To underline our grave concern at the regime’s behaviour, I can announce to the House that we have today taken steps to expel five diplomats at the Libyan Embassy in London, including the military attaché. The government also judged that were these individuals to remain in Britain, they could pose a threat to our security. We also remain strongly committed to supporting the International Criminal Court in its investigations into crimes in Libya and ensuring that there is no impunity for barbaric acts against the Libyan people.
In my last Statement to the House I confirmed that I had invited the envoy of the Interim Transitional National Council, Mahmoud Jabril, to visit London. He did so yesterday for meetings with me and with the Prime Minister and to launch the Council’s vision for a democratic Libya. I will place a copy of this document in the Library of the House.
A British diplomatic mission also visited Benghazi on Monday and Tuesday this week, headed by a senior British diplomat Christopher Prentice. The purpose of the mission was to meet key Libyan opposition groups in eastern Libya including the ITNC and its Military Council; to gain a greater insight into the political and security situation; to explain British government policies towards Libya and to discuss future governance arrangements in Libya, including identifying what Britain can do to help. The team met the President of the ITNC Mustafa Al-Jalil, among others. They have now left Libya and further missions will follow shortly.
Mr Speaker, yesterday delegations including over 30 Foreign Ministers, the UN Secretary General and representatives of the Arab League, EU, NATO and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference met in London.
Our government went into the conference with three objectives, all of which were met.
First, to strengthen and broaden the international coalition committed to implementing UNSCRs 1970 and 1973. This was achieved. Many more countries were involved in the conference and supporting our objectives than at the time of the Paris Summit 11 days ago.
Second, we aimed to focus attention on the delivery of urgent humanitarian assistance to alleviate suffering in Misrata and at Libya’s borders and to plan for the needs of Libya after conflict. The conference agreed priorities for a humanitarian response and welcomed an offer from the UN Secretary-General to lead the coordination of humanitarian assistance and planning for longer-term stabilisation support. Turkey, other key regional players and international agencies offered to support this work and take it forward. Contingency military planning also continues in the EU to enable support to humanitarian operations, if so requested by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, as agreed at the European Council last Friday. It is right that we start planning now to support Libyans over the long term to build a peaceful and prosperous future.
Third, we argued that conference must agree the need for a political process, led by the Libyan people, which helps create the conditions in which the people of Libya can choose their own future, supported by the international community. Military action is not an end in itself. The announcement of a political programme by the ITNC was an important first step in this process. The Conference was also attended by the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative for Libya Mr Al-Khatib, who travelled to Libya last night.
The conference agreed that Qadhafi has lost all legitimacy, and to continue efforts to isolate him and his regime by considering additional sanctions on individuals and companies associated with the regime.
We agreed to establish a Libya Contact Group to take this work forward. The Contact Group will provide leadership and overall political direction to the international effort to support Libya; act as a forum for coordinating international policy on Libya; and provide a focal point in the international community for contact with the Libyan parties. Qatar has agreed to convene the first meeting of the Group which we will co-chair. Thereafter, the chairmanship will rotate between the countries of the region and beyond it.
UNSCR 1973 laid out very clear conditions that the Qadhafi regime must meet, including the establishment of an immediate ceasefire, a halt to all attacks on civilians and full humanitarian access to those in need. Participants of the conference agreed to continue their efforts until all conditions are fulfilled. The Libyan regime will be judged by its actions and not its words.
Mr Speaker, the London conference showed that we are united in our aims - seeking a Libya that does not pose a threat to its own citizens or to the region and in working with the people of Libya as they choose their own way forward to a peaceful and stable future. And it demonstrated that clear international support for the people of Libya. With that support there is every prospect of focussed and sustained assistance to the people of Libya as they seek to determine their own future.
Turkish Parliament approves military contribution in Libya
ANKARA - Hürriyet Daily News
Thursday, March 24, 2011
Turkey’s Parliament approved the broad participation for the Turkish military in an ongoing international military intervention in Libya and authorized the government for “a multidimensional contribution.”
The only party to announce its opposition to sending troops to Libya was the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP. Officials from both the Republican People’s Party, or CHP, and the Nationalist Movement Party, or MHP, said they would make their decision after seeing the government’s reasoning.
With the motion, whose one-year mandate is to help the international community to implement United Nations Security Council resolutions, the government will be able to send its troops, naval and air forces abroad. The motion described Turkey’s help as a “multidimensional contribution.”
Turkey has already deployed six warships to monitor an area between the Greece’s Crete Island and Libya’s Benghazi port as part of weapons blockade. In the case of an agreement among NATO members, Turkey could also join the controlling of the no-fly zone over Libyan airspace with warplanes located at a NATO airbase in Italy.
“Turkey has economic interests and rights in the Mediterranean. From the very beginning of the developments in Libya, which obliged us to evacuate our citizens, our naval forces have been monitoring the developments,” senior government official said.
Anti-France stance goes on
As the disagreement among NATO countries could still not be overcome due to France’s unilateral position in Brussels, Turkish officials continued to slam the stance of Western countries, in particular those of France.
“The West has created these dictators. They have a huge responsibility in creating them and then declaring them as ‘Frankenstein.’ Now they want to get rid of these leaders. We have never looked at these issues from their prism of oil and economic interest,” Turkish Minister Cemil Çiçek noted.
Criticizing France and other countries for not seeing the right picture from the very beginning, Çiçek argued that Turkey was working on a plan to solve the problem in Libya with a transfer of power. “Our prime minister urged Gadhafi to resign. We have recalled what has happened to Saddam Hussein,” he added.
Davutoğlu briefs parties
Ahead of the vote in Parliament, Foregin Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu briefed the leaders of the political parties on the content of the motion and Turkey’s position. During his visit to Democratic Left Party, or DSP, Davutoğlu said the İzmir base of NATO could be used during the international military operation in Libya.
“The minister told us that there was no request from Turkey to be involved in the combat operation. He said Turkey’s contribution would be solely for arms control and protection of human rights,“ Masum Türker, leader of DSP, told reporters after the meeting. Foreign Ministry officials said there was no certain decision for NATO operations to be carried out from the İzmir base, however, the NATO command unit in İzmir could participate in the operation plans.
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Hurriyet Daily News
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