Gli sviluppi della crisi libica
(12 – 18 aprile)

Il 12 aprile, con riferimento alla situazione dello scontro in Libia, i Governi di Parigi e Londra hanno criticato l’Alleanza atlantica, accusandola di non fare abbastanza per la protezione della popolazione civile: sostenuta da Spagna e Italia, la NATO ha replicato invece che la sua missione si svolge in modo adeguato, come dichiarato dal capo delle operazioni del comando NATO Shape, il brigadiere generaleMark Van Uhm.

La polemica si è svolta contemporaneamente alla riunione dei ministri degli esteri dell'Unione europea a Lussemburgo, dove sono state imposte nuove sanzioni contro la Libia e precisati i dettagli della missione militare umanitaria Eufor. La missione - che se avrà il via libera dell’ONU potrebbe iniziare in due settimane – è stata ridimensionata rispetto al progetto originario, proprio in ragione della contrarietà di diversi paesi, tra i quali il nostro, sul possibile utilizzo di truppe di terra. Non a caso al proposito l'Alto rappresentante per la PESC, Catherine Ashton, ha ribadito lo stretto legame tra la portata della missione Eufor e quanto previsto dalla risoluzione 1973 del Consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite.

Nella riunione dei ministri degli Esteri UE il ministro Frattini ha caldeggiato la richiesta degli insorti libici di ottenere almeno una parte dei fondi congelati al regime di Gheddafi, sotto controllo internazionale. Il capo della diplomazia italiana ha espresso altresì il proprio favore alla consegna di armi ai ribelli, se solo per scopi di difesa.

Critiche alla NATO sono state peraltro rivolte anche dagli insorti, sia per il proseguire di uccisioni per errore di ribelli a seguito di raid aerei, sia per lo scarso impatto della missione dell'Alleanza atlantica, che secondo i ribelli libici starebbe facendo ben poco per le città di Misurata e di Zintan, assediate dalle truppe filogovernative. Misurata in particolare si troverebbe in una situazione tragica, senza più alcun servizio pubblico funzionante, priva di acqua ed elettricità. Le truppe di Gheddafi hanno proseguito i bombardamenti, aggravandoli con l'uso di missili Grad, provocando già nella città un migliaio di morti e diverse migliaia di feriti. Gli insorti hanno rivolto pressanti richieste di armi ed equipaggiamenti, in primis ai tre paesi che hanno riconosciuto il Consiglio nazionale transitorio di Bengasi, ovvero l'Italia, la Francia e il Qatar.

Proprio nella capitale del Qatar, Doha, si è svolta il 13 aprile la riunione del Gruppo di contatto sulla Libia, nel cui documento finale si menziona tra l'altro la necessità di fornire ai ribelli strumenti materiali per l'autodifesa: questa formula, come si vedrà appresso, lascia peraltro aperti diversi dubbi tanto sulla compatibilità con il dettato della risoluzione 1973 dell’ONU, quanto proprio sul tipo di materiali da recapitare agli insorti.

Nonostante queste ambiguità, comunque, il documento finale ha ribadito con molta nettezza la necessità per Gheddafi di lasciare definitivamente il potere, in quanto ormai privo di ogni legittimità. È stato inoltre deciso di finanziare la rivolta con un meccanismo provvisorio che assicuri almeno i servizi di base nella Cirenaica liberata dalle truppe del rais. Il Gruppo di contatto ha altresì raggiunto il consenso sulla necessità di un forte aumento degli aiuti umanitari per la popolazione libica, considerando anche l'appello lanciato dal Segretario generale dell'ONU, per il quale già al momento oltre 3 milioni di persone in Libia necessitano di supporto umanitario.

Il 14 aprile la tela diplomatica internazionale è tornata ad infittirsi, con l'inizio della riunione informale dei ministri degli esteri dell’Alleanza atlantica a Berlino, una Conferenza sulla Libia organizzata al Cairo tra Lega araba, Unione africana ed Unione europea, e l'incontro in una località della Cina meridionale tra i rappresentanti di Brasile, Russia, India, Cina e Sud Africa, dal quale è emersa una posizione di contrarietà recisa all'uso della forza in Libia, sostenuta con particolare vigore dal presidente russo Medvedev, per il quale l'operazione in corso a guida NATO in Libia sarebbe contraria alla risoluzione 1973 dell'ONU.

Per quanto riguarda il vertice informale di Berlino, proseguito anche il giorno successivo, esso ha registrato una serie di divisioni in seno all’Alleanza atlantica, che vede solo sei paesi sui ventotto aderenti alla NATO partecipare alle operazioni di attacco al suolo in Libia, mentre paesi come Italia, Spagna, Olanda e Svezia se ne astengono. Un altro importante aspetto di divisione all'interno della NATO riguarda l'opportunità di fornire armamenti agli insorti di Bengasi, in merito alla quale vi è stata una netta chiusura francese, seguita a giro di ore da analoga posizione italiana.

Le conclusioni del vertice di Berlino hanno registrato concordanza sulla necessità di portare avanti le operazioni militari fino al raggiungimento di tre obiettivi, ovvero la cessazione di ogni violenza contro i civili libici, il ritiro delle forze militari di Gheddafi - incluse quelle non regolari come i cecchini, i mercenari e i paramilitari - e la piena libertà nell'accesso degli aiuti umanitari alla popolazione.

Al di là della dichiarazione conclusiva, si è registrata la persistenza della scelta di non partecipazione ai bombardamenti da parte dell'Italia e della Spagna; inoltre, è emerso che il numero di aerei attualmente impiegato nell'operazione NATO è insufficiente, come riconosciuto dal segretario generale dell'Alleanza atlantica Rasmussen, che ha dichiarato di aver bisogno di più aerei per l'attacco al suolo di precisione. Per il resto, la dichiarazione del vertice di Berlino ha ribadito quanto uscito dalla riunione del Gruppo di contatto a Doha in merito all'assoluta necessità che Gheddafi abbandoni il potere.

Sulla questione della fornitura di armi ai ribelli libici il ministro degli esteri Frattini, dopo la conclusione del vertice di Berlino, ha espresso netta contrarietà all’invio di veri e propri armamenti, interpretando i risultati del vertice di Doha nel senso di poter fornire equipaggiamenti militari non letali, strumentazione per la visione notturna e per intercettazioni e telecomunicazioni.

Tali posizioni sono state del resto ribadite dal Presidente del Consiglio Berlusconi al termine della riunione dell’Esecutivo del 15 aprile, nella quale vi è stata anche una dialettica tra posizioni diverse, che è giunta fino a prospettare la possibilità del ritiro di alcuni contingenti italiani da missioni internazionali in corso - segnatamente dalla missione UNIFIL in Libano, eventualità rispetto alla quale il presidente della Repubblica Napolitano, in visita nella capitale slovacca, ha espresso cautela, ricordando il contributo essenziale alla pace internazionale che le missioni apportano.

Nella stessa giornata del 15 aprile, a Berlino il vertice NATO è stato chiuso dalla prevista riunione del Consiglio NATO-Russia, al termine della quale il ministro degli Esteri di Mosca Lavrov è tornato a criticare l'operazione internazionale in Libia, che contrasterebbe con quanto previsto dalla risoluzione ONU 1973, nella quale non si accenna in alcun modo alla necessità di un cambio di regime a Tripoli, quale invece previsto - come sopra illustrato - sia a Doha, sia a Berlino, e da ultimo da un intervento congiunto franco-anglo-statunitense su alcuni quotidiani a tiratura internazionale - sul punto va registrata la singolare convergenza del ministro della Difesa di Parigi con il capo della diplomazia russa, il quale ha inoltre messo in guardia dall'uso eccessivo della forza e invocato un immediato cessate il fuoco, seguito da negoziati tra le parti in lotta.

Intanto la situazione della città libica di Misurata si è ulteriormente aggravata: secondo il ministro Frattini, in due settimane vi sono stati almeno 250 civili vittime dei bombardamenti, che avrebbero colpito anche un ospedale pediatrico. Le truppe filogovernative controllerebbero tutta la periferia della città e le due arterie principali, e inoltre starebbero procedendo a minare i dintorni di Misurata. Secondo quanto riportato dal New York Times, vi sarebbero le prove dell'uso da parte dei governativi di bombe a grappolo sulla città, sparate da mortai durante la notte. La notizia, confermata da esponenti di Human Rights Watch, è stata nettamente smentita dalle autorità di Tripoli - che peraltro non hanno mai ratificatola Convenzione per la messa al bando delle munizioni a grappolo.

La situazione dei combattimenti ha visto negli ultimi giorni una certa ripresa degli insorti, che hanno affermato di aver messo definitivamente in sicurezza la città di Ajdabiya, e si sarebbero riavvicinati ai nodi petroliferi di Brega e Ras Lanuf, mentre le forze di Gheddafi, pur assediando Misurata e Zintan, sembrano in situazione di stallo.

Notizie meno positive per gli insorti sono venute dal Washington Post, che il 16 aprile ha evidenziato come i paesi europei partecipanti all'operazione NATO si starebbero trovando a corto di bombe di precisione, tanto da agitare in ambienti NATO e USA dubbi sull'opportunità del ritiro statunitense dalle operazioni dirette di bombardamento, avvenuto già da alcuni giorni - le forze americane stanno infatti partecipando all'operazione internazionale curando circa un quarto delle operazioni di sostegno aereo sulla Libia con compiti soprattutto di intelligence, interferenza elettronica e rifornimento.

Gli altri contesti di crisi in Medio Oriente e Nord Africa

La situazione della Siria è sembrata nell'ultima settimana quella più agitata nell’area medio-orientale: sembra infatti che le parziali concessioni del regime di Assad non stiano convincendo settori importanti della popolazione a sospendere i moti di protesa. Già il 13 aprile vi è stata la clamorosa discesa in campo di centinaia di donne nella città nordoccidentale di Banias, per protestare contro il regime e chiedere il rilascio dei loro congiunti arrestati in massa nei giorni precedenti: la mobilitazione delle donne ha raggiunto in serata il risultato di far affluire nel centro abitato i militari al posto delle forze di sicurezza, i cui membri macchiatisi di crimini contro civili saranno sottoposti a procedimenti penali. Va inoltre ricordato che nella seconda città siriana, Aleppo, vi è stata nella stessa giornata un’inedita manifestazione studentesca all'interno del campus.

Il 14 aprile è stata annunciata la formazione del nuovo governo, nel quale ci sono importanti novità, salvo che per i Dicasteri della Difesa e degli Esteri, unitamente alla liberazione di centinaia di prigionieri politici arrestati nelle settimane precedenti: lo stesso presidente Assad ha incontrato a più riprese delegazioni di abitanti di città e località oggetto di massicce repressioni, in un tentativo di pacificazione al quale fa peraltro da pendant la prosecuzione di un semi stato di assedio nei confronti di città come Banias e Latakia.

L'abile strategia del regime siriano non sembra però ottenere i risultati sperati: infatti già il 15 aprile, in concomitanza con la preghiera comunitaria del venerdì, vi sono state imponenti manifestazioni nella capitale e nella regione curda nordorientale. A Damasco, in particolare, vi sarebbe stato il tentativo di insediare un sit-in permanente nella Piazza degli Abbassidi, disturbato da lealisti e agenti della sicurezza. I curdi della Siria, pur avendo recentemente ottenuto il riconoscimento del diritto di nazionalità per oltre la metà della minoranza, sono tornati in piazza a manifestare il dissenso contro Assad e la sua cerchia di potere.

Anche quando il presidente siriano, in occasione del giuramento del nuovo governo, ha rivolto un discorso televisivo alla nazione preannunciando la fine entro pochi giorni della decennale normativa di emergenza - ammonendo peraltro quelli che ha definito “sabotatori”, i quali troveranno comunque nuove leggi a loro contrarie -, le manifestazioni non si sono arrestate, tornando a riaccendersi proprio nella città meridionale di Daraa, che aveva visto le prime scintille della protesta. Ancor più forte è stata la risposta di piazza il 17 aprile, giornata che ha visto dilagare le proteste in ogni parte del paese, nonostante il tragico bilancio che ha visto dall'inizio delle manifestazioni cadere circa 200 persone sotto i colpi delle varie forze di sicurezza pro-regime; anche il 17 aprile si sono avute notizie di quattro morti e una cinquantina di feriti nella città di Talbiseh, dove le forze di sicurezza hanno aperto il fuoco contro un corteo funebre che commemorava un manifestante ucciso il giorno prima.

In Egitto sembra essere venuto al pettine il nodo delle azioni giudiziarie a carico dell'ex presidente Mubarak e del suo entourage: interrogato già il 12 aprile, Mubarak, colpito nel frattempo da due nuove crisi cardiache, è stato posto il giorno successivo agli arresti, così come i due figli Gamal e Alaa, con un ordine di custodia cautelare di 15 giorni in relazione alle violenze contro i manifestanti e per vari episodi di malversazione e abuso di potere. Nelle maglie della giustizia, ma senza essere arrestata, è finita anche la moglie di Mubarak, Suzanne, ascoltata in ordine a denunce nei suoi confronti per la gestione dei fondi della biblioteca di Alessandria.

Mubarak è rimasto ricoverato per ragioni di salute a Sharm el Sheik, mentre i suoi figli sono stati rinchiusi nella prigione di Tora nei pressi della capitale, accompagnati da un folto gruppo di personalità rilevanti nel passato regime, tra le quali anche l'ex presidente dell'Assemblea del popolo Sourur, accusato di illeciti guadagni. Le misure giudiziarie contro il clan Mubarak hanno a tal punto soddisfatto la coalizione dei giovani rivoluzionari di Piazza Tahrir da indurli a cancellare una nuova giornata di mobilitazione che era stata prevista per il successivo venerdì.

In Tunisia si è avuta notizia dell'avvio contro l'ex presidente Ben Ali di 18 procedimenti giudiziari distinti, per lo più per malversazioni e ruberie, ma anche, sorprendentemente, per uso e traffico di droga e per complotto contro lo Stato - quest'ultima imputazione potrebbe integrare anche una condanna alla pena capitale. Il problema più grosso della giustizia tunisina è però il tentativo di recuperare la grande quantità di risorse finanziarie costituite all'estero dal clan dominante nell'epoca di Ben Ali, al punto che il governo di Tunisi ha chiesto l'intervento dell'Interpol per il congelamento delle attività finanziarie, muovendo analogo passo anche nei confronti delle autorità di Stati Uniti, Canada e Svizzera, dove si troverebbe il grosso dei profitti di regime di Ben Ali. Le procure tunisine stanno inoltre allargando l'azione giudiziaria, e hanno iniziato a indagare sui vertici del disciolto partito che aveva costituito il braccio politico del dittatore tunisino.

In Algeria vi è stato il primo discorso del presidente Bouteflika dopo l'inizio dei sommovimenti nordafricani: il 15 aprile il presidente ha annunciato un programma di riforme politiche da attuare prima del mese di maggio 2012 - quando si terranno le prossime elezioni legislative -, incentrato su una modifica della Costituzione, della legge elettorale, della legge sui partiti e della normativa che regola i mezzi di comunicazione. In particolare Bouteflika ha anticipato la creazione di una Commissione mista per le riforme costituzionali, nella quale siederanno anche esperti di diritto, le cui proposte saranno esaminate in Parlamento e sottoposte a referendum. La revisione della normativa elettorale vedrà la partecipazione di tutti i partiti politici. Il discorso del presidente algerino è sembrato recepire le aspettative dei tre partiti che fanno parte dell'alleanza presidenziale, ma anche le richieste dell'opposizione.

Per quanto riguarda il fronte dell’immigrazione, va anzitutto segnalato l’intervento del Ministro dell’interno Maroni presso le Commissioni riunite Affari costituzionali ed Esteri della Camera (12 aprile 2011), in ordine ai più recenti sviluppi e alle iniziative che il Governo ha assunto e intende assumere al riguardo.

In particolare, il ministro Maroni ha ricordato la tempestività dell'intervento del Governo, fornendo poi dati differenziali tra il numero di immigrati provenienti dalla Tunisia e quelli da considerare a tutti gli effetti profughi. Dopo aver assicurato che i minori giunti in Italia non accompagnati non verranno in nessun caso rimpatriati, e sono stati intanto affidati alle case-famiglia a livello dei Comuni, l’on. Maroni ha ricordato l'intesa raggiunta con le Regioni il 6 aprile, nella quale, oltre ad aver constatato la messa a punto del piano di emergenza in caso di ulteriori sbarchi, si è previsto il coinvolgimento della Protezione civile nei vari interventi, nonché l'impegno del Governo presso le competenti autorità europee per l'attuazione della Direttiva 55 del 2001 sulla protezione internazionale umanitaria..

Ricordate le caratteristiche tecnico-giuridiche del permesso di soggiorno temporaneo che l'Italia prevede di rilasciare agli immigrati, il Ministro ha espresso forte rammarico per la sordità del Consiglio Affari interni dell'Unione europea nei confronti dell'attuazione della Direttiva, come anche verso il principio della condivisione del carico migratorio eccezionale. Il Ministro ha altresì preconizzato la necessità di un sistema europeo complessivo per gestire i rapporti con i paesi del Nord Africa, a scopo di prevenzione dei fenomeni migratori, non di mero contrasto: in tale ottica le conclusioni del Consiglio Affari interni dell’Unione europea dell'11 aprile contengono un esplicito riferimento alla necessità dell'avvio di pattugliamenti congiunti al largo delle coste tunisine, in ottemperanza peraltro alla Convenzione sul diritto del mare di Montego Bay.

Dopo aver ricordato i profili dell’intesa firmata con Tunisia il 5 aprile 2011, il Ministro dell'interno ha infine auspicato che essa costituisca un modello per l'Europa medesima, che dovrebbe sperabilmente giungere alla definizione di analoghi accordi bilaterali con i Paesi della sponda meridionale del Mediterraneo. Il Ministro ha posto particolare enfasi sulla valenza dell'accordo con la Tunisia, in base al quale sarà senz'altro possibile, dopo aver soccorso eventuali natanti in difficoltà nelle acque internazionali prospicienti il paese nordafricano, trasferirne i passeggeri nel porto più vicino, che in tal caso verrebbe ad essere proprio un porto tunisino.

In consonanza con tali aspettative, il Ministro dell’interno ha indirizzato dopo qualche giorno alla Commissaria europea per gli Affari interni, Cecilia Malmstrom, la richiesta di dare vita a pattugliamenti congiunti con la Tunisia che consentano di far terminare le operazioni di ricerca e soccorso in mare con il rimpatrio diretto.

Nel contempo il 15 aprile si è proceduto, con ordinanza, alla nomina di Franco Gabrielli, capo del Dipartimento della Protezione civile a commissario delegato all'emergenza immigrazione ed allo stanziamento di 30 milioni di euro per il piano di accoglienza predisposto dalla Protezione civile d’intesa con Regioni e Comuni, stanziamento che l'ordinanza stessa definisce quale acconto rispetto alle somme complessive che saranno necessarie per il superamento dell'emergenza in atto. Per quanto concerne il rilascio da parte dell'Italia di permessi di soggiorno temporanei, fonti della Commissione europea hanno reso noto che essi saranno validi nell'area Schengen per consentire la circolazione anche a migranti sprovvisti di passaporto.

Tuttavia subito dopo che dalla mattina del 17 aprile i migranti con permesso di soggiorno temporaneo rilasciato in Italia hanno varcato la frontiera francese, le autorità transalpine hanno proceduto al blocco della circolazione ferroviaria, dislocando anche un reparto della Compagnie republicaine de securite (Crs) alla frontiera ferroviaria di Mentone. Da parte della Francia si è giustificata la misura, definita temporanea, con una manifestazione che eran in corso a Ventimiglia, dove i migranti, sostenuti da un nutrito numero di attivisti dei centri sociali e antirazzisti, avevano occupato i binari della stazione.

Dopo la sospensione unilaterale del traffico ferroviario a Ventimiglia, il ministro degli Esteri Frattini ha dato immediate istruzioni all'ambasciatore d'Italia a Parigi di svolgere un passo diplomatico presso le autorità francesi per esprimere la ferma protesta da parte del Governo italiano e chiedere chiarimenti per le sopraindicate misure, giudicate dall’Italia che appaiono illegittime e in contrasto con i principi europei.

Il giorno successivo, peraltro, fonti della Commissione europea hanno ricordato che in caso di rischi per l'ordine pubblico le regole di Schengen prevedono effettivamente la possibilità di una sospensione a carattere temporaneo quale quella adottata dalle autorità francesi, timorose della possibile degenerazione della preannunciata manifestazione (non autorizzata) a sostegno dei migranti.

Incontro tra il Ministro degli Esteri Franco Frattini e il Segretario di Stato americano Hillary Clinton a Washington (disponibile solo in inglese)

06/04/2011

Trascrizione della conferenza stampa al termine dell'incontro tra il Ministro degli Esteri Franco Frattini e il Segretario di Stato americano Hillary Clinton a Washington DC (Dipartimento di Stato - 6 aprile 2011):

SEC. CLINTON: You're very popular, Franco.

MIN. FRATTINI: (Laughs.) Yes.

SEC. CLINTON: Look at this. Oh, my goodness! And I know why. Because he is a very -- very good colleague and an excellent friend, not only of mine, but of the United States. And it's a pleasure to welcome him back once more to the State Department.
Franco and I consult frequently. We often are on the cell phone to one another. And usually I drop before he does, so we have to call back. (Laughter.)
But I'm very pleased that we could meet to discuss a number of very important and urgent issues. Obviously, we discussed at length the situation in Libya. As NATO allies and as members of the coalition of nations that responded jointly to the crisis in Libya, Italy and the United States have a shared stake in ensuring the security of the Libyan people. Italy has made critical contributions to that mission.
Italy was a strong voice in support of U.N. Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Italian planes have flown missions to enforce those resolutions, while Italian ships and bases have provided valuable logistical support. And on the humanitarian front, Italy helped to evacuate foreign nationals quickly and safely, while also delivering 26 tons of aid, including food and medical supplies.
The foreign minister and I talked about the ongoing NATO mission. We will be meeting at the NATO foreign ministers meeting in Berlin next week. And we are very committed to staying in close consultation.
Now, there are so many issues that we have on our plate right now, but one that I want to mention is the number of immigrants that are coming to Italy. Italy has been dealing with this influx of immigrants, particularly from Tunisia, because we also share the goal of helping to provide stability and opportunity to the people of Tunisia. And they are also, as Egypt is, engaged in a very important transition.
So Italy is bearing more than its share of the responsibilities as we all do everything we can to assist the people of North Africa and the Middle East to fulfill their aspirations for a more democratic future with greater human rights and economic opportunity.
I want to express again the appreciation of the United States for the contributions that Italy has made to the NATO mission in Afghanistan. Italy leads the NATO forces in western Afghanistan, where 4,000 Italian troops are stationed, most of them in Herat province. Thanks in large part to Italy's leadership, including the hard work of Italian police trainers, Herat city will be one of the first districts to transition to Afghan-led security in July.
Now, we will be in constant conversation, because Italy and the United States are close friends and trusted allies. We work on many issues, in addition to Libya, Tunisia, Egypt, Afghanistan, and we're always grateful to our friends for their leadership and their solidarity in working together.
Thank you, Franco.

MIN. FRATTINI: Thank you.
Thank you very much, Hillary, for the very warm welcome. Thank you very much for acknowledging the Italian efforts and the Italian commitment towards working together with the allies, with the partners, first of all with United States.
Italy and the United States share values, objectives, political goals. We talked about Libya. We both shared the view that Libyan people deserves a better future, a future of liberty, a future of civil rights, and that Gadhafi should leave.
Unfortunately, we will not be in the position to, I would say, predict when. But what is absolutely necessary, we have to work together in order to guarantee a national process of political reconciliation, not including Mr. Gadhafi, in the future of Libya. It is a very clear political point.
We talked about our respective contacts with the CNT, the council of Benghazi. We talked about the perspective of reconstruction, helping reconstruction of Libya. We talked about what to do to encourage a political solution involving all international and regional players, including African Union. I informed Hillary about the visit of President Ping of African Union made yesterday to Rome, and a visit that Mr. Jalil, the president of CNT, will pay on Monday to president, to Italy, to Rome and that I will meet, of course, to talk about how to develop our cooperation.
We talked about Tunisia. We talked about North African countries. And again, we shared the point of view of United States, that we have to work together to launch a comprehensive economic plan of economic growth, relaunching development, creating new job opportunities in all the countries concerned to support the good outcome of the peaceful revolutions, particularly in Tunisia and in Egypt.
I think stability and democracy do not contradict each other. On the contrary, they can go hand in hand. The more democracy comes, the more development is stable. If there is no democracy, there is no stability. It is a fragile situation, where it's demonstrated by situation, where after decades non-democratic states have fallen because they were non-democratic.
So this is exactly something that has much to do with our common understanding and our common values: democracy, civil liberties and so on and so forth.
We will be cooperating very closely on Afghanistan, as Hillary said. Italy is helping reconstruction in the province of Herat, training Afghani forces. We will continue to contribute to the alliance, to NATO, to our partners' efforts.
Thanks very much, Hillary, for recognizing the efforts we've made on managing migration flows. It is a very important point you touched upon because we are asking for how to strike the right balance between dealing with human beings, with the first point.
These are not numbers, these are human beings. These are children, women, men, that are desperate, that try to escape from difficult situation. And on the other side, try balance between how to deal with human beings and how to share the burdens and the responsibilities among a number of European member states that should have the same interests. That's why we are, I would say, asking for more European involvement, more European commitment of managing together migration, which is not a Sicilian issue or an Italian issue, it is a truly European issue, is a very -- very good point.
On all of these points, we will be having very close and continuous consultations, as we have done in the past. In spirit of frankness, we are in the condition to speak to each other practically whenever is necessary with great pleasure. And thank you once again, Hillary.

SEC. CLINTON: Thank you, Franco.

STAFF: First question goes to Jill Dougherty of CNN.

Q: Thank you. Secretary Clinton.

SEC. CLINTON: Hello.

Q: Hello. Speaking of Libya, we have this intriguing letter from Moammar Gadhafi going to President Obama urging him to stop the NATO bombing. How do you interpret that? I mean, could this be a sign that Gadhafi is ready to deal, ready to step down?
And then also, you have your representative there and he's meeting with the opposition. Is it time for the U.S. to recognize or fund the opposition?
If I could ask one quick one --

SEC. CLINTON: (Laughs.)

Q: I know this is our tradition -- our tradition. Two days to go before the government could shut down. How is the State Department ready for this?
What can Americans expect from the State Department?
And Mr. Foreign Minister, you were talking about Libya. Are you urging Secretary Clinton to -- the United States to recognize the opposition?
Thank you.

SEC. CLINTON: Franco, that's four or five questions. (Laughter.) So we -- it -- they try to test my memory. (Laughter.) So I'll see -- I'll see whether I can.
First, with respect to the letter you referred to, I think that Mr. Gadhafi knows what he must do. There needs to be a cease-fire. His forces need to withdraw from the cities that they have forcibly taken at great violence and human cost. There needs to be a decision made about his departure from power and, as the foreign minister said, his departure from Libya.
So I don't think there is any mystery about what is expected from Mr. Gadhafi at this time. That is a -- an international assessment. And the sooner that occurs and the bloodshed ends, the better it will be for everyone.
Secondly, our envoy, Chris Stevens, is in Benghazi. He is meeting with many different people. I want to publicly thank again the Italian government, which has been very helpful in assisting him to be there to and to meet those with whom he is meeting. And we will wait to hear more from him. He's obviously doing an assessment right now.
With respect to the question about the shutdown, obviously President Obama has made abundantly clear that the United States government, the Obama administration and, I believe, the American people do not want to see a government shutdown.
We are very hopeful that the Congress will reach the right decision, which is to agree on whatever cuts are necessary for the 2011 budget and go on with the business of the American people.
Now, obviously, we have to plan for every contingency, and we are doing so. We hope that there will not be the necessity for triggering any of the actions that we have been preparing for, but if there is, we will provide more details. Now, of course, the State Department is a national security agency. We will continue working, even through a government shutdown, to the fullest extent possible, because we have a lot going on in the world. We are only talking about a few of the things that we are dealing with here at State and USAID.
But I, as an American citizen as well as the secretary of State, and as a former member of the Senate, hope that there will be a resolution that would be in the best interests of our country.

MIN. FRATTINI: As for the question asked to me, of course, we talked about the American position. The secretary of State informed me about the presence of her special envoy to Benghazi. And I know perfectly that United States have to know more about this group of Benghazi. Maybe Italy did so because we know for a longer time from inside the country who they are, how the situation is. So it's absolutely necessary for these people to be a bit well known to the public opinion to the rest of the world, to offer the opportunities and the elements that are necessary to take a decision like the one Italy has taken.

STAFF: Second question is -- (name and organization inaudible).

Q: I would like to know if -- I would like to know if you discussed the possibility of exile for Colonel Gadhafi and of the different options that are in the -- in the field -- I think you discussed this issue also yesterday with Mr. Ping -- and if there's also a possibility of a more relevant government of Italy in the -- (inaudible) -- of this crisis, something like Kosovo-style, after Italy did not participate -- (inaudible) -- conference and the day before the London Summit.
And if I may ask a question to Secretary Clinton, if I'm not mistaken, this is the first time in 60 years that military intervention from NATO is not leaded full power from the beginning to the end from the United States. Does this depend only on the peculiarity of this crisis, the situation in the Mediterranean, or it is also a message to the world that in the -- multilateralism carries some increasing (burden ?) for the rest of the world, also in terms of using intervention?
Thank you.

MIN. FRATTINI: Well, first of all, we discussed about the possibility of Gadhafi leaving to another country, of Gadhafi's exile. I informed the secretary of state about a visit of President Ping. But I think if we want to succeed, we shouldn't at this stage (fall in ?) details about potential destinations, countries of destinations, of (civilities ?), options and so on and so on.
What is absolutely clear is that I do hope that African Union, as it was decided in Addis, will send a delegation to send a very clear message, like the rest of the international community, in the sense that Gadhafi should leave -- Gadhafi and his family.
On the second point, of course we talked about the involvement of Italy. Frankly speaking, I don't feel excluded at all. I think Italy is one of the key partners. Italy, you know, has the command of maritime operation of NATO, hosts the headquarters of NATO in Naples. We have the responsibility of the European mission for humanitarian aid just adopted yesterday in Brussels. So we are satisfied.

SEC. CLINTON: Well, of course, we not only highly value our partnership with Italy on a bilateral basis but also through NATO. And we are very appreciative of the leadership that Italy has provided in this situation as in so many others. I have full confidence in NATO and in our NATO allies and in those countries such as Sweden, Ukraine, Qatar, UAE, Jordan, who have joined as part of this effort to enforce the U.N. Security Council Resolution. The United States from the very beginning said that we will, of course, do our part.
We began to do a lot of the work that we were uniquely capable of doing.
But we have every confidence in what NATO is doing now. In fact, since NATO took over command and control of all aspects of the air mission just a few days ago, on March 31st, it has launched 851 sorties, including 334 strike sorties. A number of these strikes, based on our assessment, hit Libyan air defense systems, tanks and other vehicles, and ammunition storage facilities. So we think NATO is performing very well.
We do know that is difficult, when you have a force such as that employed by Gadhafi that is insinuating itself into cities, using snipers on rooftops, engaging in violent, terrible behavior that puts so many lives at risk, for air power alone to be sufficient to take out those forces. So given the mission that NATO is performing, it is performing admirably.
What Franco and I discussed is how we can, through our mutual efforts by everyone involved, do more to help the opposition make very fast progress. I mean, these were not soldiers. These were not trained military forces. They were doctors and lawyers and university professors and economists and, you know, young men who were students. And they are being attacked by mercenaries, by ruthless forces that Gadhafi is utilizing to show no mercy against his people.
And they are courageous. They are moving as fast as they can to try to form themselves into a military operation.
And I think that what NATO is doing is buying time, buying space. But ultimately, we believe that Gadhafi must go. He has lost legitimacy. And we are supporting efforts such as those that Franco described, in order to make that happen.

MIN. FRATTINI: Thank you very much.

SEC. CLINTON: Thank you all.

MIN. FRATTINI: Thank you very much.

SEC. CLINTON: Thank you very much.

END.

Friday 15 April 2011

Joint article on Libya: The pathway to peace

Prime Minister David Cameron, President Barack Obama and President Nicolas Sarkozy have written a joint article on Libya underlining their determination that Qadhafi must “go and go for good”.

Together with our NATO allies and coalition partners, the United States, France and Britain have been united at the UN Security Council, as well as the following Paris Conference, in building a broad-based coalition to respond to the crisis in Libya. We are equally united on what needs to happen in order to end it.

Even as we continue military operations today to protect civilians in Libya, we are determined to look to the future. We are convinced that better times lie ahead for the people of Libya, and a pathway can be forged to achieve just that.

We must never forget the reasons why the international community was obliged to act in the first place. As Libya descended into chaos with Colonel Qadhafi attacking his own people, the Arab League called for action. The Libyan opposition called for help. And the people of Libya looked to the world in their hour of need. In an historic Resolution, the United Nations Security Council authorised all necessary measures to protect the people of Libya from the attacks upon them. By responding immediately, our countries halted the advance of Qadhafi’s forces. The bloodbath that he had promised to inflict upon the citizens of the besieged city of Benghazi has been prevented.

Tens of thousands of lives have been protected. But the people of Libya are suffering terrible horrors at Qadhafi’s hands each and every day. His rockets and his shells rained down on defenceless civilians in Ajdabiya. The city of Misrata is enduring a mediaeval siege, as Qadhafi tries to strangle its population into submission. The evidence of disappearances and abuses grows daily.

Our duty and our mandate under UN Security Council Resolution 1973 is to protect civilians, and we are doing that. It is not to remove Qadhafi by force. But it is impossible to imagine a future for Libya with Qadhafi in power. The International Criminal Court is rightly investigating the crimes committed against civilians and the grievous violations of international law. It is unthinkable that someone who has tried to massacre his own people can play a part in their future government. The brave citizens of those towns that have held out against forces that have been mercilessly targeting them would face a fearful vengeance if the world accepted such an arrangement. It would be an unconscionable betrayal.

Furthermore, it would condemn Libya to being not only a pariah state, but a failed state too. Qadhafi has promised to carry out terrorist attacks against civilian ships and airliners. And because he has lost the consent of his people any deal that leaves him in power would lead to further chaos and lawlessness. We know from bitter experience what that would mean. Neither Europe, the region, or the world can afford a new safe haven for extremists.

There is a pathway to peace that promises new hope for the people of Libya. A future without Qadhafi that preserves Libya’s integrity and sovereignty, and restores her economy and the prosperity and security of her people. This needs to begin with a genuine end to violence, marked by deeds not words. The regime has to pull back from the cities it is besieging, including Ajdabiya, Misrata and Zintan, and their forces return to their barracks. However, so long as Qadhafi is in power, NATO and its coalition partners must maintain their operations so that civilians remain protected and the pressure on the regime builds. Then a genuine transition from dictatorship to an inclusive constitutional process can really begin, led by a new generation of leaders. In order for that transition to succeed, Colonel Qadhafi must go and go for good. At that point, the United Nations and its members should help the Libyan people as they rebuild where Qadhafi has destroyed – to repair homes and hospitals, to restore basic utilities, and to assist Libyans as they develop the institutions to underpin a prosperous and open society.

This vision for the future of Libya has the support of a broad coalition of countries, including many from the Arab world. These countries came together in London on 29 March and founded a Contact Group which met this week in Doha to support a solution to the crisis that respects the will of the Libyan people.

Today, NATO and its coalition partners are acting in the name of the United Nations with an unprecedented international legal mandate. But it will be the people of Libya, not the UN, that choose their new constitution, elect their new leaders, and write the next chapter in their history.

Britain, France and the United States will not rest until the United Nations Security Council resolutions have been implemented and the Libyan people can choose their own future.

Speech Delivered by H.E. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Libya (Ankara, 7 April 2011)

Distinguished Members of the Press,

I would like to take this opportunity to make an overall assessment as regards the recent developments in Libya and inform you about the ongoing processes.

First of all, I need to express the deep concern and sorrow with which we are following the pain and plight that our Libyan brothers have to endure during these hard times.

As I have underlined on so many occasions, the Turkish and Libyan peoples are tied to each other with strong bonds of brotherhood, in addition to the fact that our countries share a common history and culture.

In light of the recent developments in Libya, Turkey has reacted from the outset in the most sensitive way and has viewed the situation through a humanitarian perspective as well as within the context of bonds of brotherhood.

Just as Turkey has never remained indifferent to any problems in her region and in the world, she has not turned a blind eye to the hardship of her brothers and tried to display the responsible attitude that befits her.

Turkey has never adopted a wait-and-see approach regarding the developments that commenced on 17 February 2011 in Libya. As required by the principles and values that we believe in, our stance has focused on upholding human rights and justice, rather than pursuing self-interest, and we have tried to display a constructive and conciliatory attitude, maintaining dialogue with all parties.

The fundamental purpose of our policy regarding Libya is the creation of necessary conditions to ensure a transition to constitutional democracy in line with the legitimate demands of the people and the preservation of Libya’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.

In this framework, it is important that the attacks against the people come to a halt and that the transition is concluded in line with the general acceptance of the people.

Therefore, from the onset, we have strived to take all necessary steps, without any hesitation.

I want to underline this once more: While doing this, we carry no hidden agenda. Our sole agenda is to guarantee the unity and well-being of Libya.

For us, a drop of a Libyan blood is more valuable than billion Dollars-worth of oil wells.

Wherever they may be in Libya, the life and right of each and every one of our Libyan brothers are above all considerations of interest; this is the way it should be.

Human rights and justice are not voluntary favors that can be bestowed on people. These are sacred values that every human being is entitled to. They cannot be disregarded nor can they be suppressed by political motivations.

Just as we cannot tolerate the violations of fundamental human rights or endure the suppression of justice, we cannot remain silent in the face of blood-letting and the loss of lives.

Our all efforts are aimed at directing the process in such a way to serve the well-being and welfare of the Libyan people.

Just as we struggle, day and night, to stop the spilling of blood in Libya, we spare no effort to lend a helping hand to our aggrieved Libyan brothers.

Recently, we have sent the Ankara ferry, which has lately been transformed into a medical-ship, in order to treat our Libyan brothers wounded in the intense fighting in Misurata. Our ship, which also went to Benghazi in order to pick up the wounded there, returned to Çeşme with 475 people, including 321 wounded.

This operation was undertaken with the use of our military and civil units and under immense security risks that nobody else could have easily taken. We continue to treat the wounded in our hospitals. Until they are fully recovered, they will be our guests. We will continue with these aid operations in the future.

In this regard, we want the NATO operation to be conducted efficiently, in line with the directives drawn out by the UN Security Council resolutions and accepted by consensus by the NATO Council. On the other hand, we actively participate in the implementation of the arms embargo as well as the provision of humanitarian aid to the Libyan people. Following the establishment of a genuine ceasefire in Libya, the process of political transition leading to constitutional democracy should be launched immediately. The commencement of a political process which will meet the legitimate aspirations and expectations of the people carries great importance for the future of Libya. It is our genuine wish that the Libyan people emerge from this process unharmed.

I would like to call upon my brothers from Benghazi from this platform. The brotherly Turkish people feel your cries for justice and liberty deep in their hearts and show great sensitivity for the ending of your grievances and the reflection of your expectations to the processes.

From the outset, we have heavily criticized interventions against people who demand rights and justice. We have sincerely strived towards overcoming the difficulties you are going through. We will continue to support your legitimate demands and strive to prevent the injustices to which you are exposed.

It is regrettable to witness today the defamatory campaigns of certain power centers against Turkey, who had once remained silent in the face of humanitarian dramas in the region and had long considered the Libyan people unworthy of democracy. We are aware of the identity of those centers of power who are behind these campaigns. We follow them carefully and take note of their actions. I strongly believe that you will not give credence to these premeditated propaganda activities against your Turkish brothers. In particular, I want to stress that unfounded allegations claiming that we have tried to prevent the NATO operation or limit its mandate are dark propaganda lies fabricated with certain motivations.

You should know that the Turkish people always stand by the side of the right and the rightful.

I would also like to call upon my brothers from Tripoli. Turkey attaches great importance to the cessation of all hostilities, the establishment of internal peace and national unity. The territorial integrity and sovereignty must be preserved at all costs. Your attitude is of great importance for putting an end to the bloodshed. I believe that you will say “stop” to this negative trend, taking inspiration from the values of our civilization.

I have a request from my brothers from Tripoli, Benghazi, Misurata, Tobruk, Ecdebiya, Zintan, Zawiya, Sebha and Brega: Be one and united, paying tribute to the spirit of Ömer Muhtar, the symbolic leader of Libya, who we also hold in great esteem.

I would like to call on the Libyan administration from this platform:

As I have told you in person from the very beginning, it is high time for you to shoulder your historical responsibility in order to open the way for a transition towards constitutional democracy in which people would be able to elect their leaders with their free will..

It is of vital importance for the well-being of your country that you respond positively to the appeals of your people and the international community.

Listen to those calls and take the necessary steps urgently.

Distinguished Members of the Press,

We are conveying such messages to all groups and parties in Libya. In this connection, we conveyed the necessary messages to Libyan Acting Foreign Minister Abdulati El-Ubeydi, who visited Ankara as Qaddafi’s Special Envoy. We also received a message from him.

I dispatched Ambassador Ömür Şölendil to Benghazi as my Special Envoy with a mandate to foster dialogue with our brothers in Benghazi and identify areas of cooperation in order to contribute to the well-being of the Libyan people.

My Special Envoy held fruitful talks with Mr. Abdülcelil, Head of the Libya National Transition Council and other Council members. In my message, I underlined that the brotherly Turkish people will always stand by them and have invited them to visit Turkey.

As a result of these contacts, we have started working on a Road Map that envisages a peaceful transition process and protects the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Libya. The three elements of this Road Map are as follows:

1. A genuine ceasefire should be established immediately and the forces affiliated with Qaddafi should lift the siege they impose on certain cities and withdraw from them.

2. Secure humanitarian zones should be established to provide unimpeded humanitarian aid to all our Libyan brothers indiscriminately.

3. A comprehensive democratic change and transformation process that takes into consideration the legitimate interests of all Libyan people must be launched immediately and urgently. This process should aim at establishing a constitutional democracy in which people would be able to elect their leaders with their free will.

In this framework, we are working on the details of this Road Map with a view to establishing a genuine ceasefire in Libya and the initiation of a process of political transformation. We will continue our contacts with the parties in order to keep up this plan in a comprehensive manner.

We intend to share this plan, which we have been developing in consultation with the leading members of the international community, with our partners, including regional and international organizations such as the UN, EU, African Union, League of Arab States and OIC, at the Libya Contact Group meeting which will take place in Qatar.

We believe that H.E. Khatip, UN Special Representative for Libya must play an essential role in all these endeavors and we continue our efforts in close consultation and cooperation.

Our people will always stand by the brotherly Libyan people and will work together with our Libyan brothers for the future of Libya.

NATO - North Atlantic Treaty Organisation

14 Apr. 2011

Statement on Libya

following the working lunch of NATO Ministers of Foreign Affairs with non-NATO contributors to Operation Unified Protector

Press Release (2011) 045

Issued on 14 Apr. 2011

Today, we, the Foreign Ministers of the Allies and operational partners participating in NATO-led Operation Unified Protector (OUP) in support of the enforcement of UNSC Resolution 1973, met in Berlin to discuss the situation in Libya and our joint efforts in support of broader international community objectives with regard to Libya. The valuable contributions made by OUP partners demonstrate broad-based support for this operation. NATO will continue to coordinate its actions in close consultation with the United Nations, other regional actors and international organizations

We deplore the continuing violence and atrocities in Libya perpetrated by the regime against its own people, which have resulted in a very serious humanitarian situation, particularly in cities under siege. We underline the need for the regime to restore water, gas, electricity and other services to areas that have been brutalized by regime forces and to permit full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all the people of Libya in need of assistance. Qadhafi and his regime have lost all legitimacy through their comprehensive and repeated refusal to abide by UNSC Resolutions 1970 and 1973.

We welcome the outcome of the first meeting of the Contact Group which took place yesterday in Doha and strongly endorse its call for Qadhafi to leave power and its steadfast commitment to implement UNSCRs 1970 and 1973. We commend its role in providing wider political guidance for international efforts in Libya, recognizing that the political direction of the military mission is executed by the North Atlantic Council, with the indispensable involvement of its OUP partners. We reiterate our adherence to the strong commitments made at the London Conference by the international community to help end the violence and to support the Libyan people and their legitimate aspirations.

NATO-led forces are taking robust action to protect civilians and civilian-populated areas under threat of attack in Libya and enforcing the No-Fly Zone and arms embargo authorized by UNSCR 1973. We pay tribute to the skill, bravery and professionalism of our men and women in uniform carrying out this difficult task. We will continue to adapt our military actions to achieve maximum effect in discharging our mandate to protect civilians and civilian-populated areas. To this end, we are committed to provide all necessary resources and maximum operational flexibility within our mandate. A high operational tempo against legitimate targets will be maintained and we will exert this pressure as long as necessary and until the following objectives are achieved:

1. All attacks and threats of attack against civilians and civilian-populated areas have ended;

2. The regime has verifiably withdrawn to bases all military forces, including snipers, mercenaries and other para-military forces, including from all populated areas they have forcibly entered, occupied or besieged throughout all of Libya, including Ajdabiyah, Brega, Jadu, al Jebal al Gharbiyah, Kikla, Misrata, Nalut, Raslanuf, Yefrin, Zawiyah, Zintan and Zuara;

3. The regime must permit immediate, full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all the people in Libya in need of assistance.

We remain committed to the full implementation of UNSC Resolutions 1970 and 1973. In carrying out our mission, we reaffirm our support to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya. We reiterate our strong support for the development of a transparent political solution as the only way to bring an end to the crisis and build lasting peace in Libya and a better future for the Libyan people.

Libya Contact Group: Chair's statement

13 April 2011

Statement by Foreign Secretary William Hague following the Libya Contact Group meeting in Doha

1. Following the London Conference on 29 March 2011, the first meeting of the Contact Group on Libya was held in Doha on 13 April, and was co-chaired by the State of Qatar and the United Kingdom, with the participation of 21 countries and representatives from the United Nations, the Arab League, NATO, the European Union, the Organisation of Islamic Conference and the Cooperation Council for the Arab Gulf States to discuss the situation in Libya. The African Union attended as an invitee. Participants recalled that the Contact Group on Libya would support and be a focal point of contact with the Libyan people, coordinate international policy and be a forum for discussion of humanitarian and post-conflict support. The meeting was held under the patronage of His Highness Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al Thani, Crown Prince of Qatar, where he delivered a speech in which he expressed the State of Qatar’s welcome to participants at this important meeting, and its confidence that this meeting would achieve positive results contributing to the protection of Libyan civilians and relieving their suffering.

2. Participants welcomed the progress made since the London Conference to support the Libyan people and ensure their protection. Participants remained united and firm in their resolve. Qadhafi and his regime had lost all legitimacy and he must leave power allowing the Libyan people to determine their own future.

International progress in implementing UNSCRs 1970 and 1973 (2011), and demand for a halt to attacks on civilians.

3. Participants in the Contact Group set out their determination to ensure effective ongoing implementation of UNSCRs 1970 and 1973 (2011) and additional restrictive measures to deprive the regime of funds. These had exerted significant pressure on Qadhafi, protected civilians, including in Benghazi, from violent attack and averted a humanitarian disaster. They welcomed NATO’s command and control of military operations and underlined the need for robust implementation of UNSCR 1973 (2011). So long as the regime continued to attack areas of civilian population, all necessary action to implement UNSCR 1973 (2011) would continue. Participants also agreed on the need to monitor any potential threat from extremist elements who could seek to take advantage of the situation in Libya.

4. To this end, participants in the Contact Group underlined OP 1 of UNSCR 1973 (2011) which “demands the immediate establishment of a ceasefire and a complete end to violence and all attacks and abuses of civilians”. They called for an immediate end to all attacks against civilians and for Qadhafi and his regime to pull back all regime forces from Libyan cities they have forcibly entered, occupied or besieged including Ajdabiyah, Brega, Jadu, al Jebal al Gharbiyah, Kikla, Misrata, Nalut, Raslanuf, Yefrin, Zawiyah, Zintan and Zuara. Qadhafi and his regime should comply with their obligations under international law, international humanitarian law, human rights and refugee law including protecting civilians and meeting their basic needs. The Contact Group called for re-establishment of water, electricity and gas supplies to all areas, and the release of all those arbitrarily detained including political prisoners.

Call for a political process which allows Libyans to choose their own future

5. They underlined OP 2 of UNSCR 1973 (2011) which “stresses the need to intensify efforts to find a solution to the crisis which responds to the legitimate demands of the Libyan people”. Participants reiterated that a political solution would be the only way to bring lasting peace to Libya and reaffirmed their strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya. They were united in believing that Qadhafi’s continued presence would threaten any resolution of the crisis. There should be an inclusive political process so that the Libyan people can determine their own future. They called on all Libyans who wanted to see a process of political transition to urge Qadhafi to step down. Participants noted that Qadhafi’s regime was weakening as his followers left him.

6. Participants also welcomed and supported the efforts of the UNSG’s Special Envoy on Libya, noted in OP2 of UNSCR 1973 (2011), “with the aim of facilitating dialogue to lead to the political reforms necessary to find a peaceful and sustainable solution”. Participants encouraged the UNSG’s Special Envoy to take forward work to support the Libyan people in preparing for an inclusive and representative political process based on the legitimate demands of the Libyan people. Participants supported the efforts of the UN to help the Libyan people develop a political transition plan and such constitutional and electoral processes as may be required to establish a democratically elected government which represents their interests. The African Union updated participants on its efforts also noted in OP2 of UNSCR 1973 (2011) and its road map. Participants welcomed these efforts and the report of the ad hoc High Level Committee’s recent visit to Libya. They also welcomed the meeting to be convened by the United Nations in Cairo, in cooperation with the Arab League, on 14 April to exchange views and enhance co-ordination among the participating organisations with a view to solidifying the common commitment to secure peace in Libya.

Support for the Libyan people

7. It is for the people of Libya to choose their own government. Participants welcomed the decision of the Interim National Council (INC) to meet with the Contact Group on Libya. In contrast with the current regime, the INC is a legitimate interlocutor, representing the aspirations of Libyan people. The aspirations which the INC has consistently described - dialogue, reconciliation, free and fair elections, civil society, human rights and constitutional and economic reforms - represent important elements of an inclusive and representative political process. Participants stood ready to support the realisation of these goals.

8. Participants in the Contact Group agreed to continue to provide support to the opposition, including material support, consistent with UNSCRs 1970 and 1973 (2011) and the delivery of humanitarian aid to agencies able to deliver it effectively including the UN, humanitarian agencies and the opposition.

9. Participants agreed that a Temporary Financial Mechanism could provide a method for the INC and international community to manage revenue to assist with short term financial requirements and structural needs in Libya. International partners therefore agreed to work urgently with INC authorities to explore establishing such a Mechanism.

Humanitarian assistance and longer term support for the Libyan people

10. Participants urged all relevant parties to grant immediately safe and unimpeded access to humanitarian agencies to provide urgently needed assistance, including evacuation of the wounded.

11. The UN Secretary General reported that the humanitarian situation in Libya remained serious and in due course approximately 3.6 million people could need humanitarian assistance. Participants in the Contact Group reiterated the need to address urgently humanitarian needs, and to maintain effective delivery. They welcomed the leading role of the UN in coordinating the humanitarian response, and committed to assist the UN in its leadership role and to ensure that they had the resources required to take this work forward. Participants welcomed the offers from NATO, the EU, the OIC and others to assist the delivery of humanitarian aid if requested by the UN.

12. Participants reiterated the role of the UN in leading the international effort to plan for early recovery and peace building in Libya. They discussed how to provide co-ordinated support to the Libyan people and recognised the need to initiate a UN-led assessment of immediate post-conflict needs as soon as possible. This would be done through working closely with legitimate interlocutors representing the needs of the Libyan people, bilateral and regional partners and international organisations, including the Arab League and African Union. The assessment would help ensure a strategic, coordinated and coherent international approach.

13. Participants of the Contact Group expressed their thanks and appreciation to His Highness Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al Thani, Crown Prince of Qatar for sponsoring and hosting this meeting. It was agreed to hold the second Contact Group meeting in Italy, and the date to be determined in the near future.

Libya: Cluster Munitions Strike Misrata

April 15, 2011

(New York) - Government forces loyal to the Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, have fired cluster munitions into residential areas in the western city of Misrata, posing a grave risk to civilians, Human Rights Watch said today.

Human Rights Watch observed at least three cluster munitions explode over the el-Shawahda neighborhood in Misrata on the night of April 14, 2011. Researchers inspected the remnants of a cluster submunition and interviewed witnesses to two other apparent cluster munition strikes.

Based on the submunition inspected by Human Rights Watch, first discovered by a reporter from The New York Times, the cluster munition is a Spanish-produced MAT-120 120mm mortar projectile, which opens in mid-air and releases 21 submunitions over a wide area. Upon exploding on contact with an object, each submunition disintegrates into high-velocity fragments to attack people and releases a slug of molten metal to penetrate armored vehicles.

"It's appalling that Libya is using this weapon, especially in a residential area," said Steve Goose, arms division director at Human Rights Watch. "They pose a huge risk to civilians, both during attacks because of their indiscriminate nature and afterward because of the still-dangerous unexploded duds scattered about."

A majority of the world's nations have comprehensively banned the use of cluster munitions through the Convention on Cluster Munitions, which became binding international law in August 2010.

"Libya needs to halt the use of these weapons immediately, and take all steps to ensure that civilians are protected from the deadly remnants they have left behind," Goose said.

The area where Human Rights Watch witnessed the use of cluster munitions is about 1 kilometer from the front line between rebels and government forces. The submunitions appear to have landed about 300 meters from Misrata hospital. Human Rights Watch could not inspect the impact sites due to security concerns.

Human Rights Watch has not yet been able to determine if civilians in Misrata have been wounded or killed by cluster munitions.

Human Rights Watch interviewed two ambulance drivers who said they had witnessed cluster strikes prior to April 14.

Ibrahim Abuwayfa told Human Rights Watch that he was in the Al-Gzeer district of Misrata around 7 p.m. on April 13, on the coastal road called Tuarga Street, when he saw an explosion in the air and "little flames" coming down. "One of the objects landed a few meters away on a residential wall and it exploded when it hit and then shrapnel flew out," Abuwayfa said. Abuwayfa said he had heard of similar attacks that night in the Maghdar and Kurzaz areas of the city.

Waleed Srayti said he saw a cluster munition strike on April 14, at 11 a.m. "I was in the streets behind the vegetable market," he said. "A big battle was going on in Tripoli Street at the vegetable market. I heard a noise and about 9 to 10 things started popping out of the sky over the market. I just saw the pops in the air. I saw white smoke coming down. When it went up, I didn't see anything. It was daylight. I didn't hear anything when it went up, but I heard the explosion at the top of the arc."

Cluster munitions can be fired by mortars and artillery or dropped by aircraft. They explode in the air sending dozens, even hundreds, of submunitions or "bomblets" over an area the size of a football field. These submunitions often fail to explode on initial impact, leaving duds that act like landmines.

Based on the markings on the submunition found in Misrata, Libya used MAT-120 cluster munitions. These contain 21 dual-purpose submunitions equipped with a self-destruct feature. The submunition is considered dual-purpose because it has both anti-personnel and anti-material effects.

Upon exploding on impact with an object, the steel body of the MAT-120 submunition disintegrates into numerous high-velocity fragments to attack personnel and releases a metal slug, which is formed from an inverted copper cone inside the submunition, intended to penetrate the walls of an armored vehicle.

The MAT-120 cluster munitions used in Misrata were produced by Instalaza SA in Spain. The markings on the submunition remnant inspected by Human Rights Watch indicate it was produced in 2007.

At the end of 2008, Spain destroyed its stockpile of 1,852 MAT-120 mortar projectiles, containing a total of 38,892 submunitions. Spain signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions on December 3, 2008 and ratified on June 17, 2009.

Libya has not signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions. The current status and composition of Libya's stockpile are unknown. Libya used aerial cluster bombs, likely RBK bombs of Soviet/Russian origin, in Chad during the 1980s conflict.

The Convention on Cluster Munitions bans the use, production, stockpiling, and transfer of cluster munitions, requires states to destroy stockpiles, clear contaminated land, and assist victims and affected communities. Of the 108 countries that have signed the convention since it opened for signature in December 2008, 56 countries have already ratified.

Libya's use of the weapon in Misrata is the second known instance of cluster munitions use since the Convention on Cluster Munitions entered into force on August 1, 2010. Earlier this month, on April 6, 2011, the Cluster Munition Coalition (CMC) concluded that Thailand used cluster munitions on Cambodian territory during a border conflict in February 2011.

Send this News to: * Please enter email addresses separated by commas.Personal message: HRW.org visitor sent you this article from Human Rights Watch www.hrw.org

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/04/15/libya-cluster-munitions-strike-misrata

Libya: Indiscriminate Attacks Kill Civilians

April 17, 2011

(Misrata) - Libyan government forces have launched indiscriminate rocket and mortar attacks on residential neighborhoods in the rebel-held city of Misrata, Human Rights Watch said today. One strike, apparently by a Grad rocket, killed at least eight civilians waiting in line for bread. Another attack, apparently with a mortar round, hit a medical clinic, wounding four others.

At least 16 civilians have been killed in indiscriminate attacks since April 14, 2011, Human Rights Watch said, based on witness and survivor accounts, as well as inspections of the impact sites. Human Rights Watch found no evidence of military activity in the areas that came under attack, and witnesses said rebel fighters were not present in those areas when the attacks took place.

Rocket fragments and remains, some with the markings intact, indicate that a barrage of rockets that hit one residential neighborhood was Soviet-designed Grads, which are unguided rockets often fired in salvos to cover a wide area.

"Libyan government forces have repeatedly fired mortars and Grad rockets into residential neighborhoods in Misrata, causing civilian casualties," said Peter Bouckaert, emergencies director at Human Rights Watch. "The Soviet-made Grad in particular is one of the world's most inaccurate rocket systems and should never be fired in areas with civilians."

These indiscriminate attacks come alongside the use by Libyan government forces of cluster munitions in civilian-populated areas of Misrata, documented by Human Rights Watch on April 15.

Misrata is the only rebel-held city in Libya's west. Government forces have tried to retake control of the city for about seven weeks. According to doctors in the city who are keeping track of the death toll, more than 267 bodies have been brought to hospital morgues as of April 15, the majority of them civilians. The number of dead is higher because some families have not brought their relatives to the morgues, the doctors said.

In addition to the rocket that landed on the bread line in front of the bakery on April 14, another rocket that day hit the home of a sheikh adjacent to a mosque, and at least four others hit private homes. Human Rights Watch saw the remains of one Grad lodged in the side of a family's pick-up truck parked in their garage and another on a residential street.

On April 16, government forces hit the parking lot just outside the Zawiyat el-Mahjoub medical clinic in the residential Zawiya neighborhood, apparently with an 82mm high explosive mortar round, spraying shrapnel into the clinic that wounded a medical technician and three other civilians, Human Rights Watch said.

According to witnesses, the rocket and mortar fire all came from government positions outside the city, which they are familiar with after seven weeks of fighting. The rebels in the city appear poorly armed, often sharing weapons, and have not been seen with either Grad rockets or mortars, Human Rights Watch said.

Indiscriminate Attacks With Grads

The Grad rocket attacks documented by Human Rights Watch in Misrata took place on April 14 between 7 and 9 a.m. in the residential Qasr Ahmed neighborhood near Misrata's port.

Human Rights Watch interviewed four witnesses to the attacks and visited seven of the impact sites. All of the witnesses said they had not seen or heard fighting in the neighborhood at the time of the attack. Families from other parts of the city had sought shelter in Qasr Ahmed prior to the attacks because they had considered the area safe, they said. Human Rights Watch saw no discernible military targets when visiting the neighborhood on April 15.

Doctors at the Misrata hospital morgue said they had received 12 bodies throughout the day on April 14, all of them from the Qasr Ahmed neighborhood and other areas near the port where the Grads were landing, although it was unclear whether these 12 people were hit with Grads. Eight of the 12 dead were civilians, three were apparently fighters, and the status of one was unclear, the doctors said.

Among the dead were three Egyptian migrant workers who were preparing for evacuation from Misrata by ship, at least two witnesses said.

The Soviet-made Grad is a nearly three-meter long 122mm rocket that is usually fired from a truck-mounted launching system capable of firing 40 rockets simultaneously. The rockets are imprecise due to the lack of a guidance system and have a range from four to forty kilometers. Fired in groups, they impact over a wide area and can therefore inflict large-scale civilian casualties in residential areas, Human Rights Watch said.

Grad rocket attacks are clearly identifiable by the debris left behind by the rocket motors and other rocket components, as well as their distinctive strike pattern.

Human Rights Watch previously found large numbers of Soviet- and North Korean-produced Grad missiles in Libyan government weapon depots that had fallen under rebel control in the country's east. Many of the North Korean-produced weapons were in boxes falsely identifying them as tractor or bulldozer parts. Human Rights Watch also saw Grad rocket launchers on the road between Ajdabiya and Benghazi, which had been destroyed by coalition air strikes against government forces. Armed opposition forces in Libya's east also possess Grad rocket launchers, Human Rights Watch said, having seen rebels with them in the country's east.

"No side in this conflict should use the indiscriminate Grad in or near areas where there are civilians," Bouckaert said. "The rebels should commit to avoiding its unlawful use."

In a park in the Qasr Ahmed neighborhood, Human Rights Watch researchers saw the hastily prepared graves of eight people killed while waiting in line in front of the Balrwein Bakery. All of the graves were marked "April 14" with the names of victims engraved in concrete. Witnesses said the families of two more victims had taken those bodies for burial closer to home, indicating that at least 10 people were killed in the attack. The dead civilians ranged in age from 17 to 90, according to local residents at the makeshift graveyard who identified each of the victims for Human Rights Watch.

Two witnesses to the attack outside the bakery told Human Rights Watch what they saw. Ali Hmouda, 36, a port worker, said he was standing across the street with a friend, Ahmed Shalfouh, 29. "When the firing started, I hit the ground, but my friend Ahmed didn't," Hmouda told Human Rights Watch. "When the shrapnel flew, his head came off and landed in my lap. Within three minutes, a large number of missiles had hit the area."

Fathi Hmouda, 31, was standing next to the bakery when the Grad rocket hit the street outside the bakery at 7 a.m. He said:

It was a long line. Some Egyptian workers were walking to the bakery from the mosque. A man with three children was driving nearby in a car. We heard missiles in the air, so most people in line scattered. Walid Muhammad Ehteba was at the bakery when the firing started so he ran back to the end of the line. That is where the attack hit. He was a law student. He was 25 years old. He was killed. The missile struck next to a car near the back of the line. At least eight died. They were all civilians. One Egyptian who was still in front of the bakery was killed too. All the people were buried the same day in graves nearby because their bodies were in pieces. We didn't know which piece belonged to whom. We didn't take them to the morgue.

Salaheddin Gharman, 24, a mechanical engineer, lives next to the impromptu cemetery in Qasr Ahmed and was there when people brought the bodies of the dead from in front of the bakery. "The bodies were wrapped in blankets," he told Human Rights Watch. Eight of the bodies were buried immediately in graves covered with concrete, he said.

Those who died outside the bakery include: Aiman Muftah Killani, 17; Mustafa Muhammed el-Hamroush, 75; Muhammad Ali Shayb, 37; Muhammad Bennor Arafa, 90; Muftah Ramadan Rashid, 20; and Ali Abdulgadar Armeda, 35, Walid Muhammad Ehteba, 25, and Ahmed Shalfouh, 29. Among these victims were Egyptian workers, Fathi Hmouda said.

Bilgasim Mustafa, 42, a sheikh whose house shares an exterior wall with the Abushayfer Mosque, was at home at 9 a.m. when a Grad rocket penetrated the wall between his house and the mosque.

"I had been hearing many explosions," Mustafa said. "The attack shattered the glass in the classroom where I teach Quran to children. The students were not there at the time. They were due to come in half an hour. No one was hurt." Human Rights Watch saw the 1.5m-long hole in the wall and the remnants of the Grad missile in Mustafa's house.

Muhammad Awad Muhammad Surayti, 57, told Human Rights Watch that on the morning of April 14 he saw shelling of the port close to his house in Qasr Ahmed and shelling at the nearby iron factory.

"I saw smoke in the seaport," he said. "Soon after that, around 8 a.m., I took a bag of garbage out of my house and an explosion hit near me on the wall in front of my house. I didn't realize what was happening and I fell down. It was a Grad missile. There were no fighters in the area at the time. I have shrapnel wounds on my right side."

After living under regular attack from Gaddafi forces in Misrata for seven weeks, many civilians in the city have become familiar with the different types of weapons deployed against them. They often refer to the Grad rockets as "missiles."

Ali Hmouda showed Human Rights Watch the damage to his home from the April 14 attacks. One Grad apparently hit Hmouda's garage roof, destroying the roof and a pick-up truck parked inside. The Grad was still lodged in the side of the truck. Another hit an enclosed area near the house. Hmouda was not home at the time, but he said he was housing students who were smoking tobacco water pipes (sheesha), drinking tea, and eating.

Another Grad hit the yard outside the home of Hmouda's neighbor, Hania Abu Zhebada, 75. Zhebada was in the home with two other families at the time.

Medical Clinic Hit

The attack on the Zawiyat el-Mahjoub medical clinic, which wounded four civilians, took place at 5:30 p.m. on April 16 in the Zawiya neighborhood, a residential area of two- and three-story homes, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch visited the small, two-story clinic 30 minutes after the attack and saw no signs of rebel fighters, military equipment, or other military objects. Witnesses said the nearest fighting at the time of the attack was about one kilometer away. Based on the remaining fuze and impact marks at the clinic, the munition appears to have been a standard 81mm high explosive mortar round.

A nurse who was working in the clinic at the time of the attack, Adil Mohamed Abushafer, 41, told Human Rights Watch that the mortar round landed in the parking lot within the clinic compound, approximately seven meters from the main building, breaking glass in the front of the building. Shrapnel from the mortar hit the clinic and damaged one ambulance and three cars.

Human Rights Watch saw three of the four wounded civilians, and interviewed one of them. The other two were unable to speak due to their serious injuries.

Mohamed Salim Awad, 45, an anesthetist technician, was on a respirator and unable to speak. According to doctors, he had shrapnel wounds to the chest and right leg. Faraj Rashid, 47, who had been visiting the pharmacy at the time of the attack, was unconscious after an emergency operation. Nasser Yousef, 27, suffered a broken arm and was released.

The fourth wounded person, Omar Awad, 41, a businessman who was donating blood at the time, said he was in the parking area at the time of the attack, by the front door near the pharmacy. He told Human Rights Watch:

We saw explosions in the houses in front of us. I could then see a small black dot coming towards us. It made a small whirring sound. I automatically flinched and went down to one knee. There was then an explosion in front of me in the floor of the parking lot. A huge amount of dust and stone came up. I tried to get away and heard people telling me to stop. They got me to go down on my knees and then they wrapped a long scarf around my midriff. The youth in front of the hospital then picked me up and put me in the operating room. I was cleaned and bandaged there and then moved to another hospital. The whole thing happened within seconds, especially the time between the houses in front of me being hit and the shell landing by us.

Awad received shrapnel wounds to the left side of his back, his left calf, right ankle, and right hand.

Dr. Ali Jalil was at the clinic when the attack occurred and treated the wounded as they were taken by ambulance to Misrata Hospital.

"There was one loud crash then the sound of smaller things flying," he told Human Rights Watch. "Glass shattered, a car was badly damaged."

Under international humanitarian law applicable in Libya, all sides to the conflict are prohibited from targeting civilians and civilian objects or conducting attacks that do not discriminate between civilians and combatants, Human Rights Watch said. Forces must take all feasible precautions to minimize the harm to the civilian population, including avoiding deploying in populated areas and ensuring all targets are military.

"Firing indiscriminately into civilian areas is a clear violation of the laws of war," Bouckaert said. "And targeting a medical clinic, if they did, amounts to a war crime."

Send this News to: * Please enter email addresses separated by commas.Personal message: HRW.org visitor sent you this article from Human Rights Watch www.hrw.org

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/04/17/libya-indiscriminate-attacks-kill-civilians

Gli sviluppi della crisi libica (12 – 18 aprile)

Gli altri contesti di crisi in Medio Oriente e Nord Africa

Gli sviluppi della crisi libica
(12 – 18 aprile)